Nga_Puhi_History

Kupu Whakataki Before embarking on an account of the events which occurred at the Bay of Islands, a description is necessary of the attractions of the area from Whangarei northwards, which for hundreds of years had made it one of the most sought-after and fought-over territory in NZ. For climatic reasons alone, the area was probably the earliest settled, and would certainly have been the first choice of migrant Polynesians from the tropical islands of the Pacific. Only in the north would the kumara survive the winter in the ground, and only there could it have been propagated until the techniques for it’s survival were evolved, making it’s cultivation possible further south. In Tai Tokerau, Māori society was successively and intensively converged on by explorers, whalers, traders, missionaries, and eventually the whole gamut of British sovereignty and colonisation. Amidst the confusion and complexity of Pakehā economic, moral and social principals assailing Māori intellect and lifestyle, impressions of great consequence were political and primarily converged on land. In this country we have two cultures which view history in entirely different ways. In the predominant western culture the future is described as being in front of us, that which we are moving towards. With indigenous peoples in various parts of the world when they speak about the future they will pass their hand backward over their shoulder. Because the future is what you cannot see. What you can see is the past. That is what you face – not the future. The future is unknown and only has meaning if you face the past. This is a very powerful image for me. Two peoples each regarding history in as different way. The western view of the future pervades a lot of our general community thinking about Maori related issues and does not provide a good environment in which to consider the injustices of the past. This assignment allows me to take ‘a step back to the future’ thus enabling me to trace the footsteps of my ancestors along with the trials and tribulations they encountered that has shaped our present situation, and there envisage the future of us as a Ngāpuhi people. I will describe major features of history throughout a time span from the pre 1800s until our present day of 2007 that have significance for Ngāpuhi. The aim of this study is to analyse the settlement of Te Tai Tokerau by descent groups from various ancestors of Ngāpuhi and describe the political movements within the iwi, and within the wider pantheon of Māori history. The time spans are as follows:  Prior to 1800 – Ngaa Tapuwae Nuku - Migration Origins of Ngaapuhi  1801-1840 - Te Whare Tapu o Ngaapuhi - Building the House of Ngāpuhi  1841-1860 - Te Pakiaka o te Riri – Law and Intervention  1861-1900 - Te Waa Taka Noa - Land Loss and Alienation  1901-1938 – Te Waa Taurangi – The Seeds of Change  1939-1974 – Ka Whawhai Tonu Taatau – Movements of Activism  1975-2007 - Te AhI Kaa Roa – Keeping the Homes Fires Burning PRIOR TO 1800 Ngā Tapuwae Nuku - Migration Origins of Ngāpuhi Fig 1:The harbours of Hokianga and Pēwhairangi (Bay of Islands) in Northland are the homelands of Ngāpuhi, the largest tribe in Aotearoa with over 100,000 descendants. As with many historical beginnings, there are various accounts of the origin of Ngāpuhi as an iwi. One such account is linked to a time in history before the arrival of Kupe to this land. The story of Ngāpuhi unfolds down the generations, beginning in a distant time and place, with an incident that is at once both ordinary and extraordinary. The time was approximately twenty generations before Kupe, the great Polynesian navigator who discovered Aotearoa. The place was Hawaiki, where the incident involved Kareroariki, a mother-to-be who craved for a certain food; a commonplace enough event in itself. What made it extraordinary was that she hungered for the taste of the human heart. As an Ariki, or chieftainess, she had the authority to demand her wish be granted and a highborn young maiden, of a similar rank, was sacrificed to satisfy this desire. This is the beginning of the esoteric knowledge that has been passed down, in oral tradition, from our forbearers and is taught today in our Wananga. Three names emerge from the birth of the child of Kareroariki, they are Puhikaiariki, Puhimoanariki and Puhitaniwharau – which collectively give rise to the plural, nga, or many – Ngapuhi. All three feature significantly in Ngapuhi history. The unusual angle to this recall of history is that Ngāpuhi take their name from an event rather than a person. Many oral traditions identify Kupe as the first to land in Aotearoa before the arrival of tribal canoes. Historians who question the accounts of the early arrival of Kupe say that this developed from European ideas or Pacific Island sources rather than through Māori oral tradition. These traditions establish Kupe as a real figure that lived around the time of the settlement canoes-1300-1400 or later. Traditions may suggest that discovery preceded large-scale settlement by a considerable period of time. While oral traditions provide no exact date for arrival or settlement, they do provide an interesting strand of knowledge to compare with other types of evidence. Weather it is coincidence or not, the timing of settlement identified in oral traditions broadly agrees with the findings of radio-carbon dating, which indicates permanent Polynesian settlement was established around 1300. JOURNEY TO THE PROMISED LAND Ko Matawhaorua te waka – Ko Kupe te tangata The Matawhaorua canoe, captained by Kupe is the most celebrated early waka for Ngāpuhi. Guided by light reflecting off the mountain Te Ramaroa, Kupe entered the Hokianga Harbour naming it Te Puna o te Ao Mārama, after the light projecting across its waters. He named the place where the light struck on the northern shore of the Hokianga, Te Pouahi. Te Pouahi and Whānui were Kupe’s first settlements on the northern shores; Koutu, Pakanae and Whirinaki were others on the southern side. Upon returning to Hawaiki Kupe stated, ‘Ka hoki ahau' E kore ahau e hokianga mai!’ hence the name Te Hokianga ā Kupe. Kupe sailed along the rugged coastline exploring the land, personally naming many spots along the way. Having extensively voyaged around the North Island and along the West Coast of the South Island, he returned to Hokianga where he sacrificed his son, Tuputupu-whenua, to appease the gods for his travel home. He duly placed Tuputupu-whenua in the spring he named Te Puna-i-te-ao-mārama where legend has it that that Tuputupu-whenua is still to be found in the spring to this day. He returned to his homeland to tell of his discovery, and to share the voyaging instructions with his fellow navigators. Canoe migrations after Kupe connect Ngāpuhi with many navigators and their waka, the principle one’s being: o Nukutawhiti and the Ngātokimatawhaorua canoe o Puhi and the Mataatua canoe Ko Ngaatokimatawhaorua te waka - Ko Nukutawhiti te tangata After Kupe had been back in Hawaiki for some years, war broke out among the chiefs as land and food became in short supply. Nukutawhiti went to his grandfather Kupe to seek his support for leaving Hawaiki in search of a more plentiful land for his people. Kupe gave his blessing and offered to re-adze his own waka Matahaourua to carry more people. Both Kupe and Tokaakuaka, headed the re-adzing. On completion the waka was handed over to Nukutāwhiti, who performed the appropriate ceremony where he re-named the waka Ngā-toki-Matawhaorua. Nukutawhiti, accompanied by Ruanui on board the Māmari departed, where Kupe sent four taniwhā to support their travels and to appease Tāwhirimatea. As they left the shores behind them, another taniwhā, Puhi-moana-ariki appeared before Nukutawhiti to guard over the mast of the waka On arrival in Hokianga, Nukutawhiti went ashore and plucked eight rimu shoots, two of these he gave to his taniwhā, Puhi-moana-ariki and Rangi-uru-hinga to take back to Kupe. He then gave two shoots to Te Arai-te-uru and Niua, the taniwhā who had guided the companion waka Māmari and to bind them to Hokianga. He then gave two shoots to the taniwhā, Te Hiko-o-te-rangi and Mahere-tu-ki-te-rangi to take to Tohi-a-rangi who would take them to the Spirit Sea. The last two shoots he planted on shore as a Whakapuna-a-waru, the plants that would preserve his mana as a chief. They then went ashore and were greeted by those Kupe had left behind years before. Among these were Tirairaka, and among the elders on the Ngātokimatawhaorua was Popoto, who had returned to Hawaiki with Kupe. These two old men were joyfully reunited. Nukutawhiti and Ruanui set about establishing their settlements where each chief began to build his Whare Wānanga. Nukutawhiti finished his whare first, but waited for Ruanui so that they could conduct their dedication rites together. However, when Ruanui finished building his House, he ordered his tōhunga to begin consecrating it without waiting for Nukutawhiti. The tōhunga chanted karakia to compel a huge whale to enter the Hokianga Harbour and beach itself as a sacrifice. On learning of this, Nukutawhiti ordered his tōhunga to send the whale back toward the open sea. Ruanui’s karakia finally ran out and the crew of the Māmari had to leave the Hokianga. This event is remembered in the name Hokianga-whakapau-karakia. Ko Mataatua te waka - Ko Puhi te tangata Several accounts tell how the Mataatua canoe arrived in the north. Traditions from the Bay of Plenty say that the two chiefs Toroa and Puhi built their whare at Whakatāne, but due to constant quarrelling; Puhi took the Mataatua and journeyed up the east coast to the Hauraki Gulf, crossing the Manukau Harbour and sailed up the west coast to Hokianga. From there, he dragged the waka overland to the east coast to the Kerikeri inlet, sailing on into the Te Puna inlet to Te Tii, and then across country to Tākou Bay where the Mataatua was laid to rest. Another version states that Puhi sailed to the Whangarei harbour, and on up the coast to Ngunguru, to Tutukaka, Matapouri, Whananaki, and Whangaruru harbour, and onward to Takou Bay where he settled. Some northern accounts say that the Mataatua actually rounded Te Rerenga Wairua before sailing south along the west coast and landing in the Hokianga Harbour. From here it is said to have been dragged overland to Kerikeri before sailing to Tākou Bay. An early Ngāpuhi account says that the Mataatua, whose captain, Toroa, Puhi’s elder brother travelled with the companion waka, Mahuhu-ki-te-rangi landed at the mouth of the Pārengarenga harbour, just below a pā called Tamatea. Unfortunately the Mahuhu-ki-te-rangi over turned as it crossed the hidden sandbanks. Both Ngāpuhi and the Bay of Plenty tribes agree that the Mataatua rests at Tākou Bay. FOUNDERS OF NGAAPUHI Awa Awanui (Ngāti Awa) Rakei Tapu Nui Tama ki te Rā Puhi Moana ariki Hauangiangi Ahuaiti = Rāhiri = Whakaruru Uenuku Kaharau = Kohinemataora Maikuku Ruakiwhiria = Taurapoho Raahiri - te Tupuna o Ngaapuhi Rāhiri, the founding ancestor of Ngāpuhi, was born at Whiria Pā at Pākanae on the southern shore of Hokianga Harbour. Ngāpuhi genealogies widely agree that Rāhiri was the son of Tauramoko and Hauangiangi, Taurapoho being a descendant of two captains – Kupe of the Matawhaorua canoe, and Nukutawhiti of the Ngātokimatawhaorua canoe. Ngāpuhi tātai generally agree that Rāhiri’s mother was Hauangiangi, a daughter of Puhi-moana-ariki, also known as Puhi-kai-ariki and Puhi-taniwha-rau, who was in turn a descendant of Awa and his son Awanui, the founding ancestor of Ngāti Awa, an early Northland tribe. Wiremu Wi Hongi notes that in Rāhiri’s time, prior to the rise of Ngāpuhi as a tribe, Ngāti Awa built and occupied many pā within their territory, which extended east from Hokianga to Te Waimate, and north to Whangaroa. Rāhiri married two women. His first wife, Ahuaiti, of Ngāi Tāhuhu was from Pouērua, Pākaraka. Ahuaiti left Rāhiri at Whiria and returned to her people at Pouērua after a dispute between Rāhiri and her brothers over fern root cultivations. The Taumārere tribes say that Rāhiri and Ahuaiti were married at Pouērua and that it was Rāhiri who left and returned to Whiria. However both agree that Ahuaiti gave birth to a son named Uenukuwareware, because his father has not raised him, and Uenukukuware, because he lacked the esoteric knowledge his father would have imparted on him. After Rāhiri and Ahuaiti separated, Rāhiri married Whakaruru. They lived at Whiria and had a son named Kaharau. Uenuku and Kaharau –The Sons of Raahiri As Rāhiri’s two sons approached adulthood, there was friction between them. Uenuku felt that his status as mātāmua entitled him to be Rāhiri’s successor, even though he lacked the knowledge and wisdom that Rāhiri had imparted to Kaharau. Rather than allowing his offspring to fight to determine his successor, Rāhiri devised a scheme in which a geographical division of power would resolve the looming impasse. He instructed his sons to weave a flax rope long enough to go around Whiria mountain. The rope was attached to a manuaute or manurere which, after being launched, came to rest against a pūriri tree. Rāhiri named that place Whirinaki. The kite was hoisted again and flew further eastward before landing on the banks of the Taumārere River. Blown by the easterly winds, it then landed at Tahuna, near present-day Kaikohe. Its path became the boundary that Rāhiri set between the Hokianga and Taumārere. He also decreed that the Hokianga lands would go to Kaharau’s descendants, and the eastern lands of Taumārere and Taiamai to Uenuku’s descendants. Kaharau’s son, Taurapoho, and Uenuku’s daughter, Ruakiwhiria, later married, thus ensuring this alliance would endure. Three famous pepeha celebrate these events. Te Pakiaka o te riri te kawa o Rāhiri’ describes Rāhiri’s intervention and law. ‘Ka tūtahi te tuakana me te teina.’ describes the unity of the relationship between the descendants of Uenuku and Kaharau. Drawing upon the imagery of the Hokianga Harbour in the west and the Taumārere River in the east, the third describes how the destinies of tribes in both areas are irrevocably intertwined. The puna represents springs of people who should flow to support each other in times of need: ‘Ka mimiti ngā puna o Hokianga, Should the springs of Hokianga run dry, Ka toto ngā puna o Taumārere. The springs of Taumārere will flow. Ka mimiti ngā puna o Taumārere Should the springs of Taumārere run dry, Ka toto ngā puna o Hokianga.’ The springs of Hokianga will flow. The metaphor of the Hokianga and Taumarere rivers emphasised the mutual dependence and the sense of shared destiny that the brothers and their descendants were thereafter bound to. It was the wisdom of the political union that Rāhiri constructed between his two sons that brought lasting strength to the iwi, and which succeeded in securing considerable peace among the hapū of Ngāpuhi in subsequent generations. The Warrior Descent Lines of Ngāpuhi Ahuaiti = Rāhiri = Whakaruru Uenuku Kaharau = Kohinemataora Maikuku = Hua Ruakiwhiria = Taurapoho Ruakino Māhia = Haumakururangi Taniwha Ngāhue = Tautahi Waikainga = Te Wairua = Tutu Pehirangi = Auha Whakaaria Te Hōtete = Tuhikura Hongi Hika The Warrior Line Kaharau when born was dedicated by his father to Tū, the god of war. This happened, according to Wi Hongi, through a ritual of karakia-whati four days after he was born to make him successful in battle. Kaharau lived permanently in the pā at Whiria that had belonged to his father. Although Kaharau’s son, Taurapoho, was said to have perpetuated the war-like qualities of his father, it was Māhia, the grandson of Uenuku and Kaharau, who won the highest accolades for his prowess in war-fare. Māhia was born at Whakaruangangana Pā in Kaikohe which remained occupied down to the time of Wairua, his grandson. When Māhia grew to adulthood, he built his pā on the side of Taurapoho’s pā, and named it Pākinga. From Māhia’s five wives, it was from the last wife, Haumākururangi that the martial line continued. To her was born a daughter, Ngāhue, who married Tautahi to form the new hapū Ngāti Tautahi. The intervening links in the line between himself and Māhia were all men of notable fighting prowess who all made significant additions to the lands of Ngāpuhi. Hongi Hika Hongi Hika belonged to the warrior line of Ngāpuhi. Hongi’s fame derived principally from his reputation as a warrior chief. Commencing with Rāhiri, this warrior line was the product of his second marriage to Whakaruru through which descended Kaharau, Taurapoho, Māhia, Ngāhue, Te Wairua, Auha, Te Hōtete to Hongi. Hongi carried Māhia’s jawbone with him in his battles as a lucky talisman-one which represented the mana of this tupuna-such was Hongi’s admiration for the warrior. Hongi spent most of his childhood in Tuhuna, Kaikohe, at Pākinga Pā, built by Māhia. Though not the eldest in the family, Hongi was the one who would take up the warrior role in the family, at the age of nine, he was placed in Pākinga Pā to be schooled in the arts of war. Although his half-brother Kaingaroa, was the paramount chief, or ariki of Hongi’s hapū, Hongi had the warrior role. THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE HOUSE OF NGAAPUHI Ngaapuhi Taniwhaa Rau - Ngaapuhi Koowhao Rau ‘Ngāpuhi of a hundred guardians and holes’ describes the multiplicity of historically affiliated tribes, sub-tribes and marae within wider Ngāpuhi. From the Muriwhenua tribes of Ngāti Kahu, Ngāti Kuri, Te Rarawa and Te Aupōuri to the Southern tribes of Ngāti Whātua, Ngāti Wai, Te Parawhau and Te Roroa together with Ngāpuhi are the confederated tribes of Ngāpuhi nui tonu. Ngāpuhi Taniwhārau also refers to the myriad of taniwhā or guardian traditions found within Ngāpuhi. Puhi-moana-ariki and Puhi-te-aewa were guides for the canoes of Kupe and Nukutawhiti. Kupe left his son Tuputupuwhenua, who became a taniwhā in a spring of water on the Hokianga Harbour. He left several other taniwhā at Nga Kurī a Kupe on the mouth of the Whirinaki River. Another explored inland past Mangamuka and became the mountain known as Maunga Taniwhā. Nukutawhiti left the taniwhā Arai-te-uru and Niua at the entrance to the Hokianga Harbour. These two fell in love and their frolicking formed the now famous sand dunes on the northern head of the harbour. The children of Arai-te-uru and Niua formed the arms of the upper and lower Waihou, Whakarapa, Mangamuka, Wairere, Waima, Omanaia and Whirinaki Rivers that discharge into the Hokianga Harbour. Another of their descendants, Takauere, is said to travel subterraineanly between Lake Omapere and Ngawhā Springs. Legend also tells of Kauea from Hokianga, a descendant of Nukutāwhiti, who turned into a taniwhā and dug underground to Te Kerikeri making the kororipo or whirlpool his home there. Ngāpuhi, pre 1760, were mainly settled on the lands surrounding and including Kaikohe, Pākinga Pā, and Mataraua, south of Kaikohe. 1801 - 1840 Te Whare Tapu o Ngaapuhi–Building The House of Ngāpuhi POLITICAL ALLIANCES Tribal Boundaries The post-1800 expanse of Ngāpuhi is encapsulated in this whakatauki, where Ngāpuhi claim a tribal area which is likens their lands to a sacred house: Ko te whare tapu o Ngā Puhi he mea hanga. A house is constructed. Ko Ranginui e titiro iho nei ko te tuanui. The sky father is the roof. Ko Papatuanuku e takoto nei te papa rahi. The earth mother is the floor. Ko ōna rārangi maunga ko ōna poupou. The mountains are it’s posts. Pūhanga Tohora titiro ki Te Ramaroa. Pūhanga Tohorā faces Te Ramaroa. Te Ramaroa titro ki Whiria. Te Ramaroa faces Whiria. Ki te paiaka o te riri, ko te kawa o Rāhiri. The tap-root of strife, the custom of Rāhiri. Whīria titiro ki Panguru ki Pāpata. Whiria faces Panguru-Papata. Ki ngā rākau e tū papata ana ki te Tai Hau a Uru. The numerous trees bent by the western wind. Panguru Pāpata titiro ki Maunga Taniwhā whakarongorua. Panguru-Papata faces Maunga Taniwhā. Maunga Taniwha titiro ki Tokerau. That hears both the eastern and western coasts. Tokerau titiro ki Rākau Mangamanga. Maunga Taniwhā faces Tokerau. Rākau Mangamanga titiro ki Manaia Tokerau faces Rākaumangamanga. Ki te wahapū o Whangarei Terenga Paraoa. Rākaumangamanga faces Manaia. Manaia titiro ki Tutamoe. To the mouth of Whangarei Terenga Paraoa. Tutamoe titiro ki Maunganui. Manaia faces Tutāmoe. Maunganui taiāwhio te titiro ko Pūhanga Tohorā. Tutāmoe faces Maunganui. Ko tēnei te Whare tapu o Ngāpuhi nui tonu. Maunganui faces Pūhanga Tohorā.. This is the sacred house of Ngāpuhi. Ngaa Poupou o te Whare Each of the mountains that form the sacred house of Ngāpuhi has significance.  Pūhanga tohorā has the shape of a whale. A sacred freshwater spring near the peak is the whale’s blowhole.  Te Ramaroa is the mountain that guided Kupe into Hokianga Harbour. Whiria was the home of many members of the founding family of Ngāpuhi.  Panguru and Papata, the two peaks on the northern side of the Hokianga Harbour, act like a wind tunnel. The strength of the prevailing westerly winds across the saddle joining the peaks is so strong that trees growing there are bent towards the east.  Maunga Taniwhā whakarongorua is the only mountain in the territory of Ngāpuhi from which both coasts can be seen.  Tokerau and Rākaumangamanga are sentinels standing at the northern and southern entrances to the Bay of Islands. Manaia is the main ancestral mountain for the tribes of Whangarei and is named after one of their earliest ancestors.  Tūtāmoe is a guardian of the tribes around present-day Dargaville.  Maunganui is a sacred mountain standing between the Kaipara and Hokianga Harbours. Several important chiefs and tōhunga are said to be buried there. Tribal Movements in the early 1800’s The Bay of Islands Triangle In the early 1800s, the hapū of the Bay of Islands were related in terms of a political triangle (1)the northern alliance, (2)the southern alliance and (3)the Ngāre Raumati. (see Fig 7) Fig 7:The Bay of Islands Hapū and Leaders Fig 8:Places at the Te Waimate conquest 1.The Northern Alliance(Te Waimate) The Northern alliance comprised the hapū of (a)Kaikohe; Te Uri-o-Hua, Ngāti Whakaeke and Ngāti Tautahi with leading rangatira being Ruatara and Hongi Hika. (b)Te Waimate, Kerikeri, and north to Te Tī Mongonui and Tākou Bay; Ngāti Tautahi, Ngāti Tawake and Ngāti Rēhia with leading rangatira being Tāreha and Rewa. (c)Rangihoua and Te Puna; Te Hikutu and Ngāti Rua with leading rangatira being Wharepoaka (d)Pākaraka and Waitangi; principally Ngāti Rāhiri with leading rangatira being Waraki. The conquest of Te Waimate around 1775 increased the area of fertile agricultural land available to the descendents of Rāhiri, and gave them freer access to fishing grounds north of Te Waimate at Matauri Bay, Te Tī Mongonui, and around the Purerua peninsula. It also coincided with the formation of the northern alliance. Immediately prior to the conquest of Te Waimate, two closely related hapū, Ngāti Miru and Te Wahineiti occupied four pā in this district- Pāhungahunga, Ngaungau, Whakataha, and Taumatatūngutu. Ngāti Miru were assisted in the defence of Te Waimate by their close relatives Te Wahineiti. The main pā of Auha and Whakaaria, the principal leaders of the Te Waimate conquest, was Pākinga, south-west of Kaikohe. Thus the Ngāti Tautahi and Ngāi Tāwake conquerors established Okuratope pā as their inland stronghold, and fortified Kororipo at Te Kerikeri river mouth as its coastal counterpart. The track between was guarded by Whakataha pā, inland stronghold of their Ngāti Rāhiri allies, led by Kauteawha and his brother Topi, lived at Pouerua and Puketona. 2.The Southern Alliance(Taiamai) The Southern alliance consisted of hapū living at Tautoto, Taiamai, Pukenui, Okura, Kororāreka, Kawakawa, Paihia and Waikare who were Ngāti Rangi, Ngāre Hauata, and Ngāti Hineira with leading rangatira being Tara, Tupi, Te Morenga, Kaitara, Whiria, and Te Koki. At the time of the conquest of Taiamai around 1795, Ngāti Pou were living at Maungatūroto pā on the western side of the Taiamai plain, and in a cluster of three pā to the north:Ngā Ruapango, Ngā Tapahuarau, and Takaporurutu. The main pā of Kaitara, Matahaia, Whaingaro and their hapū Ngāti Hineira, Ngāti Rangi and Ngāti Hauata, was Ruahoanga situated on the north side of the Tītahi stream and west of the Waiaruhe river. After the defeat of Ngāti Pou, Ngāti Hineira extended their territory westward to Pukenui, and Matahaia’s hapū, Ngāti Rangi, moved from to Maungatūroto and land to the west of this pā. Ngāre Hauata extended their territory north to Ruahoanga. Fig 9:Places of the Taiamai conquest 3.Ngāre Raumati The islands of the eastern Bay of Islands and the coastal lands from Pāroa Bay to Te Rāwhiti were occupied by the Ngāre Raumati confederation whose major hapū comprised of Parupuha, Urihaku, Ngāti Taura, and Akitai. Leading rangatira being Kaipo, Korokoro, and Tui with the principal rangatira being Kaipo, Korokoro and Tui. Fig 10:Places of the Ngāre Raumati conquest As the hapū of the Southern alliance were establishing themselves at Taiamai, the conquerors of Te Waimate were beginning to extend their political control from Te Waimate and Kerikeri to the eastern side of the Bay of Islands, the territory of Ngāre Raumati. Te Hōtete (Hongi’s father) had attacked Ngāre Raumati in the early 1800s, in revenge for the deaths of his relations Auporo and her three daughters Te Karehu, Whakahoe and Te Maire. By 1826, Rewa and his hapū, who were formally Ngāi Tawake, but renamed their hapū to Patukeha, had established themselves at Kerikeri. Toko’s grandson, Tītore, was living below Whakataha pā at the village of his father, Tāreha. The Ngāti Rāhiri leaders, Te Kēmara and his nephew Marupō, were living at Pākaraka. These rangatira of the Northern alliance were joined by Hakuene of Ngāi Tawake, and Rewa’s brothers, Wharerahi and Moka, in the final conquest of Ngāre Raumati at a pā on the Moturahurahu Island, north of Te Rāwhiti, was besieged, and the people at Pāroa Bay dispersed. Korokoro however, who had links to both Ngāpuhi and Ngāre Raumati was permitted to retain Paroa due to this relationship which he retained until his death in 1823. Early European Contact Whalers had the first significant effect on the lives of Northland Māori. Crops were grown specifically for trade with European whaling ships, additional slaves were acquired by local chiefs for labour and prostitution, and alcohol became readily available. In addition the Māori began to acquire metal tools, European clothing and the musket. Other vessels came into the bay for timber and flax and a regular trade grew from the 1820’s. Until the 1830’s the influences of such trade tended to be apparent only to those places where Māori were involved or were providing supplies: in the Bay of Islands, Hokianga, and Whangaroa. Early European Conflicts By the early nineteenth century, four events were to have wider consequences. The first came in 1806, when the mate of the ship Venus and some convicts from Tasmania seized control of the ship and sailed to Northland, where they kidnapped Ngāpuhi women and sailed down the east coast where they turned the women over to Bay of Plenty tribes to be enslaved or meet their fate. As the story of their suffering filtered back to the Ngāpuhi chiefs Hongi Hika and Te Morenga swore revenge. The second in1807, when Ngāpuhi and Ngāti Whātua clashed in battle at Moremonui. Ngāti Whātua won the battle, feasting on the bodies of the fallen Ngāpuhi. This battle is referred to as Te Kai a te Kāroro as it was said that not only the seagulls feasted that day. Pōkaia, who drew Ngāpuhi into this war, was related to Hongi through their grandparents Auha and Whakaaria, and was credited with urging Hongi to flee when he realised that he had failed. Among the leading Ngāpuhi chiefs killed, including Pōkaia were Waikere, Tu Karawa, and Te Tī as well as Hongi’s older brother Houwawe, his half-brother Hau Moka, and his sister Waitapu. The death of sister was memorable for its brutality. Waitapu urged Hongi to flee, while she turned back to distract Ngāti Whātua. She had seen the slaughter of her brother Houwawe, and half-brother and was concerned for the continuation of the family line, and the fact that there would be no one to carry on its honour. Circling back along the cliff top, Hongi saw Ngāti Whātua slice into her body to remove her uterus, filling the cavity with sand. Hence the name given later to his favourite gun – Teke Tanumia- a perpetual reminder of the fate of Waitapu. The third in 1809 and was called the Boyd Massacre. This British ship had stopped at Whangaroa to cut and load kauri spars and to drop off one of their chiefs Te Ara who had previously signed on as a crewman, but when at sea, he was flogged. On arrival in Whangaroa, Te Ara plotted an attack in revenge for his mistreatment. He attacked the crew on board, towed the ship up the harbour grounding it on the mudflats, where the ship was pillaged, the barrels of gun powder exploded leaving the ship to burn. The three escaped survivors told of the massacre which cast a wall of fear on traders, sealers and whalers which stopped their trade in the Whangaroa for many years. Lastly in 1810, the Ngāpuhi began a series of raids down the east and west coast of the North Island, seeking utu for the killing and enslavement of their women who had been kidnapped on board the Venus, which left a legacy of slaughter and revenge which continued through to 1816. By then a new type of Pākehā entered the northern landscape… Missionary Contact The first missionaries were from the CMS, Samuel Masden first visiting in 1814. He was followed by Wesleyans in 1822 and Catholics in 1838. Like Europeans before them, Missionaries tended to settle close to existing Māori communities. Unlike their previous predecessors they wanted to change Māori life by civilising the Māori. Their influence at first was minimal. When it did become apparent it was more in the creation of a Māori interest in literacy and the growth of Māori expertise in agriculture than in conversion to a Christian church. The opportunity for the CMS to send missionaries came from Ruatara. In 1809, Ruatara sailed from Rangihoua in the Bay of Islands for Britain as a crewman on a whaling ship. Later he joined the Ann, a convict ship bound for New South Wales. Here he met Samuel Marsden- a CMS missionary returning to Sydney- and so began a close relationship which was to last for many years. Marsden was keen to set up a mission but the recent Boyd massacre deterred him. He kept up contact with Ruatara for some years, eventually obtaining an agreement from both him and Hongi Hika to guarantee his safety if he came. In 1814, Marsden, together with Ruatara, and the Reverends Kendall, Hall and King and wives arrived at Rangihoua Bay on 19 December. Here Marsden preached his first Christian service on Christmas Day 1814 with Ruatara as interpreter. For the early CMS missionaries, their aim was to civilise Māori before converting them to Christianity. It was Ruatara’s successor, Hongi Hika who controlled the missionaries in this area when Ruatara died in 1815. As Ngāpuhi Māori gradually came under Christian influence and began to release their considerable number of slaves in the 1830’s, it was the Māori evangelists so freed who began to carry the gospel to most southern parts of the country. By 1820, there were still few Europeans in the country, mostly sealers and whalers with a few missionary, but their impact was quite disproportionate to their numbers. For Māori, the newcomers brought new crops, new goods and above all the musket. When Hongi Hika had appropriated a large supply of muskets, the balance of tribal power changed abruptly. It was to be the start of the Musket Wars and Hongi was to play a central role. An Eye for an Eye… The first recorded use of musket in tribal warfare was at Moremonui near Manganui in 1807, between Hokianga Ngāpuhi and Ngāti Whātua. Over the next seven years muskets continued to be used in skirmishes among Ngāpuhi and between Ngāpuhi and Ngāti Whātua of Kaipara, but they were present in limited numbers and tended to be used in hand-to-hand combat fashion, in the manner of traditional weapons. The scale of attacks increased after Hongi visited England and Australia in 1820 and 1821 returning with over 1,000 muskets. As other tribes acquired muskets for defence, a new type of fortified pā evolved that were specifically designed for musket defence. The Āmiowhenua expedition of 1821 was the largest, going southward from the Kaipara, through Auckland and the Waikato River area to the regions of Hawks Bay and Wellington. returning north along the west coast. Because they had muskets, Ngāpuhi were able to inflict several devastating defeats against other tribes which include:  Ngāti Porou at Whetūmatarau near East Cape in 1820  Ngāti Whātua at Te Ika a Ranganui near Whangarei in 1821  Ngāti Pāoa at Mauinaina in Auckland in 1821  The Marutūahu tribes at Te Tōtara in the Coromandel  The Waikato tribes at Mātakitaki in 1822  Te Arawa at Mokoia Island on Lake Rotorua in 1823 Hongi had many alliances, even marrying many of those he captured to Ngāpuhi women, in an effort to reduce utu from the tribes he attacked. Page 13 The Declaration of Independence In 1931, 13 northern chiefs petitioned King William IV of England for protection against the French after a French warship arrived in New Zealand waters. The Colonial office in London appointed James Busby to the post of British Resident in New Zealand arriving in May 1933, Busby’s job was to protect traders, settlers and Māori. He was convinced that only the exercise of a collective Māori sovereignty would put an end to inter-tribal warfare. However, without soldiers or a police force he was often powerless to act. Busby did gather 34 northern chiefs together in 1834 to choose a flag to fly on NZ ships and, on 28 Oct 1835, to sign the Declaration of Independence. William Hobson, who had transported convicts to Australia and was involved in the founding of Melbourne, travelled to NZ in 1837 following a letter from Busby expressing concern about inter-tribal warfare. Hobson spent a month in NZ and wrote a report to the Colonial Office in London, describing widespread conflict and recommended British intervention. Because Britain already recognised NZ as an independent country under the Declaration of Independence, they needed a treaty with Māori in order to take over the government of the country. Hobson left England in 1939, his task to get the ‘free and intelligent consent’ of chiefs to the treaty. 1841 – 1860 Te Pakiaka o te Riri – Law & Intervention THE LAW Fig 14:The signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, Feb 6, 1840 by Marcus King. The Treaty of Waitangi In February 1840, the chiefs of Ngāpuhi met with the Hobson, Busby, and Williams, to consider signing the Treaty of Waitangi. Led by the Bay of Islands chiefs, the group initially rejected the treaty, although a minority spoke in favour of signing. Eventually Hone Heke and Tāmati Wāka Nene, persuaded the remaining chiefs to sign, drawing on the assurances from Hobson and Williams that the treaty was intended primarily to protect Māori land and interests from the French and unscrupulous settlers. On 6 February 1840, 43 Ngāpuhi chiefs led by Hone Heke, signed the treaty. Over the following months, a further 100 or more Ngāpuhi chiefs signed. By early 1941 the capital had been moved to Auckland and trade in Northland never recovered. By the beginning of 1844, many Māori and settler communities felt under siege as a consequence of the distressed economy and the growing number of British settlers flocking into the country. But for the chiefs who had signed the Treaty, they expected Britain to control the Europeans and to protect Māori from invasion by other countries such as France. They also expected there to be an increase in trade. Formerly independent tribes resented the fact that decisions affecting them was made (after 1840) by the Colonial Government in Auckland. The treaty had not long been in place before conflict started occurring between Māori, European settlers and the British Crown. Many of the problems arose from attempts by Europeans to buy land without consulting all the Māori owners of that land. Hobson and the later governors were under pressure from the NZ Company and settlers to acquire land for European settlement. THE INTERVENTION Land Wars In 1840, the Ngā Puhi chiefs who were all signatories to the Treaty of Waitangi wondered how they could maintain their political independence, and retain their lands, forest, and fisheries as promised by the Treaty, when a colonial government assumed control over all of NZ. The first campaign of the Land Wars took place in the Bay of Islands in 1845-46, where Ngāpuhi fought against the British Crown over treaty disputes and European encroachment and interference. Hone Heke Hone Heke was born in Kaikohe. In addition to being a relative of Hongi, he later married Hongi’s daughter, Rongo. Heke led the Māori forces who chopped down the flagpole at Kororāreka in July 1844. Leading Māori forces from the Bay of Islands, Heke fought not only against British troops but also pro-government Hokianga Māori. Initial victories for Heke were countered with subsequent defeats, resulting in the eventual loss of over 200,000 hectares of Ngā Puhi land from Māori control. The Māori oratory of these years began to employ proverbs about the power of saltwater to contaminate freshwater. There was growing dissatisfaction over the manner in which land purchases were being carried out by private buyers and Government officers. Fig 15:An artist’s impression of Hone Heke chopping down the flagstaff at Kororāreka Hone Heke had been the first to sign the Treaty of Waitangi, but he had become disenchanted with the effects of European colonisation. He believed the flying of the British flag deprived chiefs of their mana and Māori of their land. He announced his determination to remove this symbol of Māori subjugation and called on the Governor to raise a Māori flag in its place. Open warfare broke out when he, and other prominent Ngāpuhi chiefs, Pūmuka and Kawiti led three columns of Māori into Kororāreka on the 10 March 1845, sacking and taking possession of the town. The governor FitzRoy offered a reward for his capture and sent for more Imperial troops. Two wars were waged in the months that followed. Tamati Waka Nene and most of the Hokianga chiefs attacked Heke and his allies when they joined the Imperial forces. Ensuing battles were fought at Puketutu, Ahuahu, Ohaeawai and Ruapekapeka. This sketch by John Williams shows the subsequent attack by British soldiers on Hōne Heke’s pā at Ōhaeawai after he cut the flagstaff and sacked Kororāreka. Brilliantly reinforced by the chief Kawiti, who employed underground bunkers, the pā withstood the attack. Of the British force, 41 were killed and over 70 were wounded. At Puketutu, 200 Māori defeated a force of 400 British Army regulars, seamen, marines, and European volunteers, when Heke and Kawiti out-manoeuvred a large British storming party. Heke, in turn, was defeated at Ahuahu by pro-government Hokianga Māori led by Taonui and Waka Nene. This battle was fought exclusively between Māori. Hokianga Māori probably chose to fight Heke and Kawiti because they had not experienced the negative impact of colonisation to the same degree as those in the Bay of Island. Indeed, the Hokianga was just beginning to open up and reap the initial benefits of trade. Despite being outnumbered six to one, the Bay of Islands Māori were able to recover sufficiently to defeat the British a second time at Ohaeawai. Under bombardment they dug themselves into safe underground bunkers before re-emerging to repel and inflict heavy casualties on the British. The last battle in the northern war occurred at Ruapekapeka pā in January 1846. Another masterly fortification constructed under the direction of the chief Kawiti, the pā was eventually abandoned by Ngā Puhi without a major battle. The last battle at Ruapekapeka was something of an anti-climax. A British force of 1300 men laid siege to about 600-800 Māori, only for the Māori to abandon the pā without a serious fight. These wars had several important consequences. It was followed by thirteen years of peace nationally, apart from small-scale tribal skirmishes. Page 16 Imperial troops developed a high regard for Māori skills in warfare. In particular, great admiration was expressed for the ingenuity of the fortified pā at Ohaewai and Ruapekapeka. In the space of thirty years Northland Māori had developed their strongholds from simple pā, to musket pā, to cannon pā, to virtual trench warfare. This evolution was noted by the Imperial forces. Major General Mould of the Royal Engineers made detailed reports on the construction of Māori rifle pits and trenches. The effect of these reports was to be seen in the use of trench warfare for the first time in Europe in the Crimea in 1853 and even more so in WWI when the use of the machine-gun made underground defences a necessity. Thus the inventiveness of the Ngāpuhi strategists contributed directly to the planning and conduct of international conflicts on the other side of the world. The northern war set a pattern for other land wars in many other parts of the country. In 1898 the Hokianga County Council imposed a tax on all dogs in its territory. This was regarded as unfair to local Māori; they did not have a great deal of cash, and they owned on average far more dogs than Europeans. A group of dissenters from Te Māhurehure hapū of Waima sent a message to the county office saying that they would shoot anyone who forced them to pay. The Government over-reacted and sent five ships to the area loaded with armed police and troops. A potentially explosive situation was averted by the Member of Parliament for Northern Māori, Hone Heke Ngāpua, who persuaded them to lay down their arms. Thus ended the dog tax war, without a shot being fired. And so ended the era that had produced the violence of the New Zealand Land Wars. 1861 – 1900 Te Waa Taka Noa – Land Loss and Alienation Land Loss The influx of Pākehā settlers saw the introduction of Acts, such as the 1865 Native Lands Act which gave Pākehā the ability to breakdown Māori communal land titles and secure ownership of the land. The Native Land Court was established modelled on the Supreme Court, with Pakeha judges and the assistance of one or two Māori assessors. This change was to have the most serious consequences as the judges only took account of evidence presented in the formal settings of the court. This meant that the court did not operate as a commission of inquiry, able to initiate its own investigations into customary Māori rights to land. The judge was to ascertain, settle and define rights in Māori land and make an order for title under European law awarding it to no more than ten persons. The Act and the Court was set up to individualise land titles and speed up the sale of Māori lands, thus new system clearly disadvantaged Māori. Its succession of amendments was to expose the Māori to a thirty year period of extensive litigation and the main issue of Māori politics. By the end of the 1860s Māori were a minority in their own land, being just one in five of the NZ total of 300,000. The promises of the Treaty were one thing; the reality of colonisation was quite another, especially when it came to land. Before 1865 Ngāpuhi lost in excess of 72,000 hectares of land in the Hokianga and Bay of Islands through pre-treaty claims by Europeans, so-called surplus land passed to the Crown, and other dubious Crown purchases. After 1865 over 201,000 hectares of Ngāpuhi land went through the Native Land Court. Land that was traditionally owned by the community was given to individuals. This made it easier for the Crown and settlers to buy Māori land. By 1908 only 61,000 hectares remained in Māori hands. Māori Land Holdings 1910 By 1910 there had been substantial loss of Māori land. The remaining land in Māori ownership is shown in yellow. Ngā Puhi held pockets of land in the centre of the Northland peninsula where the soil was poor and the vegetation scrubby. Although legislation affected all iwi, this loss of land was instrumental in the demise of the Ngāpuhi population living on their community lands. The loss of land meant there was nothing for the whānau, hapū, and iwi to exist upon for the land is the anchor of existence. Land loss took away the security and survival of the people. Land ensures food resources, assets, and a place to live, therefore without it meant no security and ultimately an inability to survive. The first chance of participation at the helm of Government came with the Māori Reresentative Bill of 1867 which allowed four male Māori members of Parliament to be elected from four electoral districts. Their votes however, were ineffective against a majority of Pakeha, but Parliament was a forum for their protests. The reality was that the Pakeha had to be met with and challenged on his own ground and accordingly a rise in political activities was countenanced. The Emergence of Kotahitanga The notion of ‘Kotahitanga’ – a political movement of unity among hapū and iwi seeking some form of emancipation from years of injurious British rule was propelled in the 1860s and 1870s by mounting concerns over breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. The other catalyst for its emergence was the political disempowerment, coupled with the rapid alienation of land that had left practically no Māori community in the country unaffected. From the mid 1850s, Māori would never again be in the position to rely on their numerical superiority as the basis for their political power. Henceforth, those groups of Māori who sought to protect their sovereignty would have to engage in innovative actions to do so. In Dec 1891, a major gathering of Ngāpuhi chiefs took place in the Hokianga to agree on an agenda for a pan-tribal hui to be convened at Waitangi. The scale of the event and the status and integrity of iwi representatives who had descended on Northland from throughout NZ, suggested that the crusade to restore Rangatiratanga was being armed for a final victory. Of the staggering 1,342 Māori leaders and representatives in attendance, the list of chiefs who committed their mana to the Kotahitanga movement produced a mandate that was without precedent for any Māori political initiative. Despite its name, the Kotahitanga movement in the 1870s, like Hone Heke’s rebellion against the Crown a generation before, did not unite Ngāpuhi under a single cause. Just as Waka Nene and Heke represented collaborators and loyalists respectively, so did a similar divide open up among those Ngāpuhi who, allied themselves politically either with the Crown or with this new unity and independence movement. An influence that acted on the character of the Kotahitanga was the sweeping aside of the residue of inter-tribal tensions, which extended back most recently to Hongi’s attacks through many parts of the North Island in the early part of the century. The lingering mutual suspicion between some iwi had proved to be an obstacle to substantial pan-Māori unity well into the 1870s. By the 1880s, though, such was the strength of this urge for political unity that it quickly began to draw in the support of other iwi in the North Island. From 1881, the presence of other tribal representatives in Northland was so frequent that Te Tiriti o Waitangi Marae was constructed specifically with the purpose of accommodating hui associated with the movement. Towards the end of the 1880s many of the tribal leaders in Northland were becoming increasingly invigorated by the prospect of finally achieving Māori unity and political power and were encouraged by tentative support from other iwi. In April 1892, Māori leaders from all parts of the North Island met at Waitangi with the intention of forming a union of tribes. The erosion of Māori ownership of land was a critical issue for them and they sought to form a kotahitanga or union, which could present tribal or inter-tribal grievances to the Government. Iwi who were not supporters of the Kingitanga under the leadership of Tawhiao, or who were not followers of Te Whiti, affiliated themselves to the Kotahitanga. These tended to be the iwi of the southern, eastern and northern districts of the North Island and iwi of the South Island. Early in 1894, the Kotahitanga Parliament met at Pakirikiri, Gisborne and drafted the Native Rights Bill – a modification of which Hone Heke Ngapua introduced into the House of Representatives a few months later. The version of the bill constructed by the Māori Parliament promised provisions for Māori autonomy and self-government. This signified an important change in thinking in the Kotahitanga Parliament, as though it had already acknowledged its own ineffectiveness and was now positioning itself as a provider of legislation which could subsequently be introduced into the House of Representatives by sympathetic Māori Members of Parliament. Although the fate of Kotahitanga was destined to follow that of other Māori separatist movements in the nineteenth century and eventually dissolve into complete powerlessness, there was one significant difference. Kotahitanga had supporters in the House of Representitives by the mid 1890s. Māori members such as Wī Pere, Hone Heke Ngapua, and Ropata Te Ao were all affiliated with the movement and sporadically disclosed their loyalty and commitment to Kotahitanga during their tenure in Parliament. Page 19 1901 – 1938 Te Waa Taurangi-The Seeds of Change The Bay of Islands regions natural resources of timber, kauri gum and flax were its means of trade and income. It’s extraction was difficult because of the rough nature of the country, and the high rainfall with its resulting mud and slush. The effect of this was to keep the timber and flax mills close to water transport. However the activities of the timber millers and gum diggers did clear land for the settlers. As the natural resources of the north began to run out in the early 1900s its economy undertook a radical change, farming prospered, the timber mills being replaced by dairy factories. Livestock farming developed first to supplement natural resources such as timber and kauri gum, and then to replace them. Although much of the north was not ideal for farming, many areas were gradually brought into use for sheep and cattle. Small dairy factories had been established by 1910. But progress was held back by the region’s isolation, remoteness, poor access, infertile soils and the uneconomic size of holdings. To overcome the many obstacles to farming, the government introduced development schemes for land owned by Māori or the Crown. The Māori schemes began in the 1930s, and were only partially successful. Title and tenure difficulties were only gradually sorted out in the mid-1950s. The farms were generally too small, and many Māori migrated to Auckland in search of work. After the Second World War, state subsidies and grasslands research assisted farming. With the Native Lands Act 1862, the work of The Native Land Court led to far more land being lost. The Native Land Court set up in 1865 with the intention of getting rid of the communal ownership of Maori land which was called individualisation so it could be sold more easily. The Court had the intended effect: land sales continued at an increasing rate. In 1900 James Carroll, the first Maori Minister of Native Affairs, passed a Maori Land Administration Act which set up a Council which was based on Carroll’s delaying policies where Maori owners were in majority, to administer the lease of Maori land. The Council leased but sold very little land and this caused settler discontent. In 1905, the Council were replaced by European dominated Boards. By the end of the Liberal’s time in office in 1912, a further 3 million acres of Maori land had been sold. Apirana Ngata worked with Carroll on the Maori Councils Act in 1900. After the Act failed to help the Maori people, Ngata decided that the best way he could change laws and policies that effected Maori was through parliament. In 1905 he won the seat for Eastern Maori. In 1907 he and Sir Robert Stout headed a commission called the Stout-Ngata Commission looking at Maori land. The commission recommended blocks of Maori land to be set aside and Maoris to be given financial help to develop their land. Consequently the Act did not stop the government acquiring more Maori land. The Liberal Government purchased over 3 million acres by 1911 and the Reform Government purchased 2.3 million acres between 1912-1920. Page 20 Even though the government as a whole did little about Maori land and development, individuals such as Ngata tried their best to encourage the development of Maori land. His land Consolidation schemes were to exchange scattered pieces of land to form economic farms run as single units so therefore owners would be eligible for loans. In 1924 Frank Acheson became judge of the Tokerau district, beginning a long period of close involvement with Māori of Northland. He also became the president of the Tokerau District Māori Land Board. Acheson was aware of the shocking poverty of the Māori communities in Northland and was determined to ameliorate their poor living conditions. He believed that this could only come about by establishing long-term development schemes through which Māori would be encouraged to develop their remaining tribal lands. Acheson’s judicial decisions were often innovative, and sometimes caused alarm in official circles. He was involved in a series of cases relating to Māori claims to the foreshore, which were strongly opposed by the Crown. The point at stake was whether the Native Land Court could issue titles to the foreshore. Acheson contended that it could. His decisions were appealed to the Native Appelate Court, which did it’s best to devise compromises. In his 1929 judgement on Lake Omāpere, near Kaikohe, he ruled that Māori customary law recognised the ownership of lakes, that at 1840 the lake was the property of Ngāpuhi, and that Ngāpuhi’s rights were protected by the Treaty of Waitangi. Acheson’s recommendations however, were effectively overruled by Chief Judge Jones when forwarding Archeson’s report to Parliament in 1932 and the government took no action. As a judge, Acheson became friendly with many prominent Māori families and was an advisor and supporter of Te Puea Herangi in Waikato, and worked closely with Northland Māori leaders, such as Whina Cooper, actively backing their project to build a canoe for the 1940 centennial of the Treaty of Waitangi. Frank Acheson earned considerable affection and respect in the Māori world and was adopted as an honorary rangatira by Ngāti Tūwharetoa, Te Arawa, Waikato and Ngāpuhi. He was an innovative Native Land Court judge at an important stage of the court’s history. Regarded as partisan and unorthodox by his contemporary opponents, he now seems to have been a man ahead of his time. Only with the resurgence of historic Māori land claims in the Waitangi Tribunal has Acheson’s work begun to receive long overdue recognition. 1939 – 1974 Ka Whawhai Tonu Tatau MOVEMENTS OF ACTIVISM Leaving the House of Ngaapuhi-Urban Migration A dramatic effect of colonisation for many Māori was urbanisation. The loss of land led to the demise of Ngāpuhi as a people of Tai Tokerau. Whānau and hapū within Ngāpuhi were forced to relocate to urban areas in order to survive. Page 21 They went in search of homes, employment, money and an increasing need to adapt and adopt a lifestyle imposed by the Pākehā settlers who had now become their oppressors, and the dominant culture in New Zealand. Amidst cultural and economic decline, family members left their small rural communities and migrated into the towns and cities, where the conventions of living were Pākehā defined. Ngā Puhi moving mainly Auckland, Waikato and the Bay of Plenty. In part, this has seen the re-organisation of Ngā Puhi into large geographic and urban divisions. With this contact came new demands, conflict and a long apprenticeship of adjustment in which both parties were forced to begin to know each other. The social and cultural consequences of this relocation were considerable. Urbanisation weakened traditional bonds for whānau, hapū and iwi, and there was an increasing movement of younger Ngāpuhi to the cities in search of employment opportunities. This led to sociological implications for Ngāpuhi as it compacted on the loss of connection to their homeland, their tūrangawaewae, and their cultural origins. Changing social and economic conditions in Māori life led to experimentation with different styles of leadership. The rangatira or hereditary basis for hapū leadership survived largely in rural areas. An increasing number of leaders such as Whina Cooper, whose basis for authority had originally been tribal and rural, made the transition to leadership in urban, multi-tribal Māori life. Whina Cooper Whina Cooper was born Hohepine Te Wake at Te Karaka in northern Hokianga in December 1895. Her father was Heremia Te Wake, a leader of Ngati Manawa and Te Kai Tutae hapū of Te Rarawa. Her mother, Kare Pauro Kawatihi, was of Te Rarawa and Taranaki descent. Whina had undertaken her first protest action at the age of 18 near her home at Panguru, when a local Pakeha farmer began draining mudflats he was leasing from the Marine Department. The mudflats were a well used source of seafood for local Māori. Whina obstructed the farmer’s drainage attempts. The matter was resolved when the Department withdrew the farmer’s lease. Whina held many influential roles throughout her lifetime and was a positive and active role model. She was instrumental in campaigning for the rights of Ngāpuhi as well as Māori as a whole. In April 1947 she became the first woman elected president of a rugby union branch. In 1949 she took part in meetings of the royal commission as to surplus lands, but in August that year her life again changed direction sharply when Bill Cooper died suddenly from a heart attack. By the middle of 1951 she was established in a new home in Grey Lynn, Auckland. Almost at once she found a new role as a pan-Maori rather than tribal leader. At the inaugural conference of the Maori Women’s Welfare League in Wellington in September 1951, Whina was elected foundation president. One of the league’s first initiatives, instigated by Whina, was a survey of Maori housing in Auckland. This revealed that many immigrants from rural areas were crowded into unsanitary dwellings and led the Auckland City Council and the Department of Maori Affairs to demolish slums and provide a higher quota of state and council houses for Maori tenants. The league also addressed education, crime and instances of racial discrimination in housing, employment and the health service. As the public face of the league. Page 22 The Roopuu Waahine Toko i te Ora The political and social reasons for the leagues development can be traced back to the 1930’s when the rapid movement of Māori from rural districts into the cities was accompanied by a mass of problems including issues around housing, health, finance and racism. Urbanisation highlighted the need for a national body working in the interests of Māori welfare. In 1945 the Māori Social and Economic Advancement Act led to the employment of Māori welfare officers who worked with Tribal Committees throughout the country to identify the needs of Māori. The inaugural conference of Te Rōpū Wāhine Māori Toko i te Ora was held in Wellington in September, 1951. The ninety women delegates present elected Whina Cooper as President of what was to be the first national Māori organisation in New Zealand. The League provided a national forum for Māori women to express their concerns about the social problems experienced within their communities. It played a major role in making representations to government on Māori issues. The League gave women the opportunity to network, compare ideas, support each other, develop leadership skills and plan strategies to deal with the problems faced by their people. It also emphasised the importance of fellowship and understanding between Māori and non-Māori. By 1956 the league had more than 300 branches, 88 district councils and over 4,000 members. In her late 60s, she stood for the Northern Maori electorate in 1963 as an independent but came sixth. She raised funds for an Auckland urban marae, and for a Catholic Maori centre in the city, Te Unga Waka, which opened in March 1966. In 1968 she organised a Waitangi Day pageant at Carlaw Park to educate Maori and Pakeha about the significance of the treaty. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, her health declined. Appointed a CBE in 1974, she told the Auckland Star that her public life was over. The Maori Land March It was not. In 1975 a coalition of groups formed Te Ropu o te Matakite to combat further alienation of Maori land, and focused on stopping the sale of more Māori land to government and Pākehā. They also focused on the abolishment of government departments responsible for selling off the Māori land, added to these aims were their attempt to persuade the government to return Crown land to their rightful Māori owners. To head this initiative they called on Whina to lead them. She accepted and proposed a march from Te Hapua in the far north to Parliament in Wellington, to dramatise Maori determination to retain their land and culture, and to galvanise Maori and Pakeha support. Page 23 Thus was born the Maori land march, which took place in September and October of that year. Whina, now in her 80th year, was not only a visible part of Maori history again: she appeared to be at the helm. For the hundreds of thousands of New Zealanders who witnessed the march on the roads or on television, its most inspiring feature was the wizened woman who headed it with such panache and articulated its objectives in a cracked but firm voice. The climax came when Whina led around 5,000 marchers into Parliament grounds on 13 October. She presented a Memorial of Rights from 200 Māori elders and a petition supporting the objectives of the march signed by 60,000 people to the Prime Minister, Bill Rowling, requesting that Parliament abolish laws that enabled the wrongful taking of Māori land which had played a major role in the oppression of Māori as a people. The aftermath was less decisive, but the conduct of the march itself had been an eloquent tribute to Whina’s energy and mana and a potent symbol of the Maori cultural renaissance which gathered momentum in the years that followed. 1975 – 2007 Te Ahi Kaa Roa -Keeping the Home Fires Burning Ngaapuhi Today Māori hold top rankings nationally for all the negative aspects of economic, health, unemployment, and education statistics. However Māori are a resilient people who are undergoing a major resurgence of their cultural. Because of huge land losses, the social, cultural, economic and political marginalisation of Māori society, and mass migration to the cities from 1950 onwards, only 21,300 Ngāpuhi remained in Northland in 2001. Over 42,000 people of Ngāpuhi descent lived in the Auckland region. A further 17,000 lived in the Waikato and the Bay of Plenty. Today, Ngapuhi are recorded as the largest iwi in NZ with 74, 100 people identifying as Ngāpuhi in the 2001 census. There are 103,000 people identified themselves as Ngāpuhi according to The Rūnanga ā Iwi o Ngāpuhi, which is approximately 18 percent of the total Māri population. The 1996 census showed 22 percent of Ngāpuhi lived in Northland and 42 percent lived in Auckland. These figures are illustrative of the results of urbanisation for our people. As with the national scene, Ngāpuhi are also a young iwi with 88 percent of Ngāpuhi under the age of 45 years. This is of significance to the growth of our iwi and the desire to learn more of our tribal history and language, in an attempt to discover and regain tribal knowledge in search of our identity as individuals within our whānau, hapū and our iwi, Ngāpuhi. Page 24 Te Ruunanga a Iwi o Ngaapuhi Led by the Kaikohe-based organisation Te Rūnanga ā Iwi o Ngāpuhi, the tribe is now organised into large geographic divisions: o Ngāpuhi ki te Hauāuru (South of Kaikohe) o Taiāmai ki te Marangai (Te Waimate, Waitangi, Northern Bay of Islands) o Ngāpuhi Hokianga ki te Raki (Upper Hokianga Harbour) o Te Rūnanga o Taumārere ki Rākaumangamanga (Kawakawa, Southern Bay of Islands) o Te Rōpū Takiwā o Mangakāhia (Mangakāhia, Whāngārei) o Te Takiwā o Ngāpuhi ki Whāngārei (Whāngārei) In recognition of the large numbers of Ngāpuhi now living in urban areas Te Rūnanga ā Iwi o Ngāpuhi also includes two urban groupings: o Te Taura-here ki Manurewa (South Auckland) o Te Taura-here o Ngāpuhi ki Waitākere (North and West Auckland) The goal and motto of the Rūnanga is ‘Kia tū tika ai te Whare Tapu o Ngāpuhi’- to ensure the sacred house of Ngāpuhi will always stand firm. The Rūnanga works to integrate Ngapuhi hapū, marae and communities so that all descendants will benefit. In 1992 the Fisheries Settlement Act addressed the right of Māori to have a stake in the commercial fishing industry under the Treaty of Waitangi. It also acknowledged customary non-commercial fishing rights in individual tribal areas. Of central importance to the Rūnanga is ensuring the equitable distribution of benefits from the 1992 settlement, preserving Ngāpuhi history, and undertaking initiatives in resource management and education. The logo of the Ngā Puhi tribal authority (rūnanga) is an artistic representation of Tūhoronuku, the kite that Rāhiri used to bring peace between his two sons, Uenuku and Kaharau. This kite symbolises the rūnanga’s goal of bringing together the east and west coasts of Ngā Puhi for their common benefit. The notches in the wing span represent the mountains that stand within the tribal area of Ngā Puhi. These mountains are also represented in the carved poles that stand outside the rūnanga’s office at Kaikohe. Page 25 Ngapuhi became the first of 57 iwi to receive its fisheries entitlement from Te Ohu Kai Moana with the transfer of $67 million in fisheries assets to Te Runanga a Iwi o Ngapuhi. This distribution became the first after 13 years of debate and discussion on how the $750 million of assets should be distributed. The $67 million package is made up of $3 million cash, $45 million in Aotearoa Fisheries Ltd shares and $19 million in fishing quota. Almost 110,000 Maori affiliate to Ngapuhi, the largest iwi in New Zealand. The handover represents the culmination of a significant amount of work by Te Runanga a Iwi o Ngapuhi to meet rigorous governance and transparency provisions of the Maori Fisheries Act. The fisheries settlement places Ngapuhi in a good position to plan for the future. An Analytical View of the History of Ngapuhi Prior to 1800 – Present Day 2007 This assignment has focused on Ngapuhi but as colonisation has impacted on all iwi and has seen our identity generalised into one culture as Māori, these issues may also be relevant for all Māori. It must also be noted that although the issues such as land, laws, and political alliances have been mentioned in isolation, for Māori they all occur across the time spans, all interlink, and all impact on one another. This assignment has given me the opportunity to begin my journey of discovery by delving into the past, into the history of my iwi, my people, and therefore myself so that I may have an informed view of the history pertaining to my iwi within the broader pantheon of NZ history.  1800-Ngaa Tapuwae Nuku Prior to the 1800s, when Tāne Mahuta, the giant kauri of the Waipoua forest was probably no more than a seedling, Kupe led the way to the ‘Promised Land’ leaving his personal stamp on the new land by naming many places along the coasts of both islands including Hokianga. The fearless determination of Kupe to navigate into the vast unknown together with his crew shows the warrior spirit needed to undertake such a venture. This same warrior spirit was recognised in many Ngāpuhi chiefs and leaders where their notable fighting prowess made significant additions to Ngāpuhi lands. With strategic alliances Ngāpuhi hapū could call upon unity in times of need which ultimately led to Ngāpuhi being the largest tribe in their new land.  1801-1840-Te Whare Tapu o Ngaapuhi The magical light emanating from Te Ramaroa mountain that first guided Kupe into Hokianga and many other mountains support and define the tribal boundaries of the house of Ngāpuhi, where all tribal members lived, worked and defended the land from which they derived their economic, social, and political sustenance. Page 26 I intended to show that there were political divisions based on geographical or territorial proximity, to identify important leaders, trace kinship ties between them and locate some of their main settlements. The conquering hapū had formed themselves into the mutually antagonistic northern and southern alliances that competed for Pākehā trade after forming relationships with them. Ngāpuhi used this increase in trade to their advantage monopolising on the benefits to suit their needs. The musket being the ultimate commodity was thus attained to avenge past grievances. The warrior spirit continued on with many leaders making huge inroads in extending their tribal lands.  1841-1860-Te Pakiaka o te Riri The relations between Ngapuhi and the settler traders were mutually beneficial, Ngāpuhi were advantaged by trade with Europeans, who in turn relied on the assistance and protection Māori offered to access their resources. Officially however, the British were reluctant to intervene formally in the ad hoc settlement of NZ, despite Māori appeals for British intervention as French interest mounted. As this tenuous relationship came under increasing strain, the question of law and order was the major preoccupation for Māori who wished to protect their own authority, and for the British who were reluctant to formalise their position in NZ. As tensions mounted, relations between Māori and the British deteriorated. The Treaty ushered a new set of rules and values which were foisted upon Māori, which in turn ushered in a period of systematic colonization, competition for land, and political supremacy. The result was political power was yielded to the British Crown, the Māori induced to adjust in accord with Pakeha statute. When the demands of kāwanatanga clashed with the rights of rangatiratanga, disputes culminated in armed conflict. Once again the warrior spirit in Heke and Kawiti came to the fore as they prepared to challenge authority, partly because government actions had caused a slump in the local economy but also because they interfered with their rights as a chief. Their determination in the face of adversity saw innovation in the form of trench warfare, which was admirable even to the enemy.  1861-1900-Te Waa Taka Noa Māori society revolves around hapū and iwi concerns. At various times from the 1800s to the present, some Māori have endeavoured to mobilise collectively to challenge the sovereignty of the Crown. However, the importance of tribal interests has often worked against wider Māori unity. This has seen some groups within Māoridom, such as the government’s Māori allies in the 1860s war period, co-operating with the Crown to the detriment of other Māori interests. It was not that such tribes did not seek to maintain their mana and tino rangatiratanga, rather, they considered that they were more likely to succeed within the framework of kāwanatanga. Therefore the iwi centric world view that dominates Māori political thinking, as well as changing historical and political circumstances, has meant that there are as many differences in this historical struggle as there are continuities. The warrior spirit manifested itself in the institution of the Māori Parliament (Kotahitanga) was also the product of regional variation in Māori experience, gaining support mainly from those areas which had long been settled by the Pakeha-Tai Tokerau, Hawks Bay and Wairarapa. Page 27 Tribal leaders gathered to reassert their mana which had been undermined by the Native Land Court and loss of land. Their demands were the abolition of the Native Land Court and cessation of Government purchase, their designs to represent Māori interests and co-ordinate opposition to land legislation. Although Pakeha Parliament took no specific measures to admit of their demands, it served as an example of Ngāpuhi’s increasingly political adroitness on a national level, in fighting for rights assured by the Treaty, and it encouraged resolve in withholding lands. The boycott of the Native Land Court between 1895 and 1896 effectively prevented alienation which could not be negotiated without title. There was an increased awareness that lands were threatened and that defence was to be political for that was also the Pakeha weapon.  1901-1938-Te Waa Taurangi The Government’s establishment of the Native Land Court was particularly effective, as intended, in facilitating the transfer of Māori land into Pākehā hands. The upshot being the emergence of a pan-Māori movement, led mainly by chiefs of the former pro-government tribes, fought against the ravages of the Native Land Court and for Māori self-determination, seeking to establish a Māori organisation that would exist in parallel with the NZ Parliament. The Māori Parliament had widespread support from Māori during the 1890s, however it was generally unable to achieve good co-operation with the Kingitanga in order to present a united Māori voice to the Government. Tribalism however remained the most potent reality in Māori rural life. In order for Ngāta to implement his programmes for cultural and land development, needed strong allies at hapū and kāinga level. Local leaders found that they in turn could strengthen their positions by tapping into what Ngata offered, without having to abandon their local power base. In this way figures like Whina Cooper of Te Rarawa and Hone Heke Rankin of Ngāpuhi were able to increase their influence substantially, successfully supervise local land development and marae building programmes, stimulate community cultural activities and generally raise both standards of living and morale in their territories. In Northland however, the farming situation created a cycle of circumstances that led to unforeseen problems in town and country, the uneconomic Māori farming was an incentive for workers and families to move to towns and cities, this de-population made rural communities even less viable and urban migration by contrast more appealing.  1939-1974-Ka Whawhai Tonu Taatau The Māori Womens Welfare League emerged against a background of thirty years of rural to urban shift and demographic change, WWII, and increasing social challenges for Māori in adapting to a lifestyle largely prescribed by the dominant Pākehā majority. Despite the many factors that influenced urbanisation, there were Māori who could not be encouraged to forsake what were perceived as their emotional attachments to ancestral land and move closer to centres of employment. Whina Cooper transversed both of these environment, she had departed from traditional patterns of Māori leadership in that her influence in the later years of her life sprang from her reputation as an urban and national Māori figure, rather than from her localised or tribal position as was in her younger days. Page 28 Whina Cooper turned the Māori Womens Welfare League into the only National Māori forum for discussion then in existence, and into the major non-political pressure group for representations to governments. By 1975 attention was drawn to the plight of Māori who had been rendered landless, and a call was made for the return of lands unjustly taken and to halt further loss of land. Te Rōpū Matakite appointed Whina as its leader. The land march was a symbol of Māori unity under the rallying cry of land loss. It was testament to the depth of feeling about land issues dramatising a national Māori determination not to lose any further land to Pākehā ownership.  Te Ahi Kaa Roa Finally I have taken a personal view of where Ngāpuhi stand today. In doing so I have discussed the population spread of Ngāpuhi away from their homelands to urban centres and as a result Ngāpuhi distinguishing themselves between those of their number who are tribal and those who are urban. Apirana Ngata and the Young Māori Party had eventually been content to see Māori living in rural communities believing that this provided an opportunity for Māori culture and identity to recover from the trauma of 19th century European colonisation. The real Māori revival however, that of the 1970s and 1980s occurred as a result of urbanisation. Although the migration of rural Māori to towns and cities initially weakened the traditional bonds of whānau, hapū, iwi, and language, it was a prerequisite for Māori once again to imprint their culture and values on the nation as a whole. Urbanisation eventually brought the possibility of Māori remaining Māori, and at the same time participating in mainstream social, cultural and political life. From the mid-1980s the decisions of the Waitangi Tribunal and direct negotiations between disadvantaged iwi and the Crown began to compensate Māori for resources lost as a result of successive governments violating the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. These restored resources reactivated iwi social and economic activity where the birth of Te Rūnanga ā Iwi o Ngāpuhi was born to work for the future well being of Ngāpuhi to ensure that the sacred house of Ngāpuhi will always stand firm no matter where in NZ they have based themselves.