Is_the_Japanese_Emperor_a_True_Symble_of_Japan

The Emperor shall be the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people in whom resides sovereign power. (The Japanese Constitution of 1947, Article 1) (Martin (1997) This essay will strive to demonstrate that there is a symbolic importance to the continuation of the monarchy in Japan and to determine the degree to which the present Emperor, Akihito is himself a true symbol of Japan. This will be achieved through the comparison of the mystical and religious ideology of the Emperor, his revised role after Japan’s defeat in the Second World War and the influence of his role as the representative Head of State in Japan has in accordance with the ideology that the present Emperor is a true symbol of Japan. According to Shillony’s article, Divinity and Gender, one of the greatest mysteries surrounding the Japanese monarchy is the longevity of its dynasty from around the 6th century, making it more than 14 centuries old. This entitles the Japanese Imperial Monarchy to call itself the oldest reigning dynasty in the world. It is the only one the Japanese themselves are aware of having had and the only one that does not have a name. Shillony also states in the article that the monarchy has survived aristocratic authoritarianism, feudal disintegration, internal warfare, shogunal despotism, modern Westernisation and total military defeat. (Shillony (1999) Only when this last fact is placed in comparison to the break up of some of the European ruling houses after the end of the First World War, such as The Habsburg Empire in Austria, The Hanoverian Empire in Germany and The Romanov Empire in Russia, and the consequential alterations this had, both geographically and culturally on Europe, can the scale of precedence the decision, MacArthur, the commander in chief of the allied occupation forces made after the end of the Second Word War for Japan to retain their monarchy be fully appreciated. Is it true to say that the simple fact that the Japanese reigning family has withstood the test of time and is still a part of today’s modern Japanese society is testimony to the symbolic importance the Emperor holds for the Japanese themselves. Compared to the British Monarch and the many differing houses of ruling families that have occupied the British Throne, the unbroken longevity of the Japanese ruling family should, one may say, in part, at least demonstrate a symbolic awareness of its importance, and the symbol of that importance is the present Emperor, Akihito. Akihito, the current figurehead of the Japanese Imperial Monarchy was born on the 23rd December 1933 and is, in accordance with Japan’s traditional order of succession the 125th ruling monarch and since the fall of the Persian Empire and the Emperor of Ethiopia in the 1970’s, Akihito is the only surviving monarch in the world with the imperial title of Emperor. (Shillony (2005) The foundation and conceptual emergence into this world of the present emperor, Akihito is one of great consequence and change. For unlike his paternal Grandfather, the Emperor Taisho and his Father, the Emperor Showa, who had both hypothetically exerted their sovereignty as Emperors through their belief that they were descendants of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu, one of the chief Shinto deities, and therefore living deities themselves, Akihito’s early adult life came with no such precedence. In 1946, Akihito’s Father, Hirohito through the inauguration of the New Japanese Constitution laid out by MacArthur’s administration after the defeat of the Japanese in the Second World War, renounced any preconceived claim to his divinity, declaring that the ties between him and the people of Japan did not, “depend upon mere legends and myths” and were not “predicted on the false conception that the Emperor is divine (akitsu mikami).” (Emperor Hirohito) The new constitution made available the retention of the hereditary monarchy, but subjected the monarchy to a reduction in the Royal Household as well as delegating the role of the Emperor to that of a token status of Emperor and his occupation of the throne. Thereby, in doing so one may rightly question the legitimacy of the continuation of the Royal House of Japan. (Shillony(1999) However, MacArthur understood the importance of retaining the Japanese monarchy as a symbolic figurehead for the Japanese people, during his occupation of Japan, by not allowing Emperor Hirohito, the present Emperor’s Father, to be tried as a war criminal. At that time, both the Japanese Emperor and the British King were Commanders in Chief of their respective armed forces. Shillony points out in his book, ‘The Enigma of the Emperors’ that MacArthur believed it impossible for Emperor Hirohito to be tried for war crimes, in respect to Japanese war atrocities, just as it was impossible for the British king to be tried for war crimes in connection with the carpet-bombing of Dresden. Thereby, he recognised the symbolic importance the Emperor had for the Japanese, and by doing so legitimately sealed the continuation of the Japanese monarchy. No constitutional vote to reinstate the Emperor was ever instigated or even suggested by MacAthur. Therefore, one may be correct to assume that from this decision MacArthur, an outsider himself, has clearly demonstrated the true symbolic importance the Emperor holds for the Japanese, by insuring the continuation of its monarchy. (Shillony (2005) Japan has been widely criticized for its belief that the Emperor is a living God and therefore transcends all other living beings in importance. If one takes a look at differing societies, one element of belief that can be said to be evident, is that which the faith societies have in their belief of the divine, either mythological or religious in its origin. Most societies have legends constituted from some form of fact that in some way have become immortalised and intertwined in the conscious minds of individuals, either through religion or through traditional beliefs. Shillony states in his book, The Enigma of the Emperor, that it is very feasible to believe that the first deities of all polytheistic societies were female, signifying fertility and motherhood. Despite having no real evidence to support this theory, Shillony does point out the fact that in most polytheistic societies such deities have had corresponding male deities. Amaterasu may not have had a consort herself; instead she was assigned by her parents, Izanagi and Izanami the assistance of her two brothers, the Moon-God Tsuki Yomi and the Sea-God Susa-no-O. Shillony goes on to mentioned that such deities as Isis and Osiris in Egypt, Hera and Zeus in Greece and Juno and Jupiter in Rome, all demonstrate those society’s belief in mysticism. Furthermore, the Christian Bible tells us the mystical story of how the first human to roam the earth, Adam, created his consort, Eve from a bone in his own body. The Bible also tell us of the mystical conception, birth and life of Jesus Christ, though born into this world as a human child, the Christian religion believing him to be, in fact, the Son of God. More recent times has seen the legend of King Arthur, his mythical wizard Merlin and the Knights of the Round Table taking centre stage in creating a mystical twist to the history of Britain. King Arthur may have existed, but was he as mystical as the legends wants us to believe' All these elements play their part in constructing a belief that faith, of any kind, holds the answers to what is unknown. (Martin (1997) When put into this context, can one say that the hierarchal importance that the first emperor Jimmu has in the cognisant minds of the Japanese people is not unlike that which King Arthur has for the English and the Bible has for Christians. Yet King Arthur, without being a true symbol of the English is symbolic of the essence of what it is to be English. Therefore, is it true to say that the Mysticism surrounding the formation of the Japanese monarchy and the representation that mysticism has in the minds of the Japanese in relation to their culture and themselves to the outside world is metaphysically represented through the symbol of their Emperor. According to Shillony’s article Divinity and Gender, the resilience of the Emperor to continue to hold a symbolic supremacy is based on the religious and mystical importance his role bestows upon him. Shillony points out that: “Contray to what many think, living emperors were not worshipped in Japan, and there are no shrines dedicated to them”. (Shillony (1999) Shillony continues to state that the Nihon Shoki and Kojiki do not concede the Emperors of Japan to be gods. There is a clear distinction between the ‘age of gods’ (Shindai), when Ninigi-No-mikoto descended from heaven, and the moment human sovereignty started with the first emperor Jummu. Neither does the Nihon Shoki portray Japanese Emperors as gods either or for that fact divine. This is demonstrated by the manner in which the Nihon Shoki conveys the ascension to the throne of the first Emperor’s son Suizei through the assassination his elder brother. Further demystifying of the myth that Japanese Emperors are divine can be highlighted through the description of the Emperors Yuryaku (r. 456-479) and Buretsu (r. 499-506) in the Nihon Shoki as ‘blood-thirsty sadists.’ Even when emperors are addressed as ari-hito-gami or akitsu mikami, meaning ‘god manifest’, the scholar Origuchi Shinobu describes these titles as poetic praise and not representations of divinity. (Shillony (1999) To highlight the foundation of the symbolic importance of the post modern Japanese Emperor, one must examine the religious practices of the present Emperor through the issuing of the Shinto Directive by Emperor Akihito’s father, Emperor Hirohito on the 15th December 1945. The insertion of ‘the Charter Oath of Emperor Meiji’ by the Emperor Hirohito in a constitutional declaration demonstrates the religious necessity the Emperor has in performing the religious rites to the Gods and his ancestors. He denounces his own divinity but not that of his dead ancestors. In doing so, he creates a sacred symbolic and religious meaning to the role of the Emperor, not only for himself but for future Emperors as well. These private, religious ceremonies may be performed in the privacy of the imperial palaces, but some of them like the niiname-sai (offering newly harvested rice to the gods), are attended by the Prime Minister and senior Government officials. This ceremony performed each year on 23rd November has been made into a national holiday, kinro-kansha-no-hi (Labour Thanksgiving Day), fusing together the traditional ideals of thanking the gods with the modern ideal of thanking the people for their labour. The Shinto religion and its relationship to the state were disseminated in 1945 under the new constitution, but Shinto as an institution remained. Therefore, the practices of honouring ones dead along with the religion itself is still adhered to by the Japanese Does that mean that if Japan had become a republic upon its defeat in 1945, the Shinto practice of honouring the dead along with other religious customs would have had to have been revised, as no elected head of state would have had the ancestral lineage or legitimacy to perform these rituals' The symbolic religious piety of the Emperor to be the only individual to hold the legitimacy, through his ancestry to perform such rituals over and above any elected head of state shows how, in a religious and ceremonial capacity, the Emperor is a true symbol of Japan. (Shillony (1999). This viewpoint is further emancipated when the interrelationship of law, ideology and ritual practice in post war Japan is viewed through the modern-style exhibits of the symbolic authority of the Emperor still being represented through the ritual ceremonies that take place at Ise Jingu. Specialist priests on behalf of the emperor, whose physical absence from Ise Jingu, along with the circuitous influence of the palaces in its affairs, is the basis upon which the imperial-Ise connection conducts its rituals, perform these rites and ceremonies. This was a principle that was upheld by MacArthur and the occupation authorities after Japan’s defeat in the Second World War. Shillony, in his book, ‘The Emperors of Modern Japan’ exemplifies this ideology by saying: “The tradition of ritual by proxy at Ise has defined members of the Ise priesthood as keepers of pre-modern and modern imperial ceremonies. Institutional commitment to the retention of imperial ritual–in addition to a desire for Jingu’s modern prominence in Japanese society-has compelled the priests to adapt Ise Jungu and its rituals to post-war law, yet all the while to assert the sacrality and pre-eminence of the emperor as the paramount symbol of the Japanese nation.” (Shillony(2008) Twelve years before ascending to the Chrysanthemum Throne, the present Emperor, Akihito, expressed his desire for the emperor to be a symbol to his people: “When we look at the tradition of the imperial family, we see that it is mainly a tradition of gakumon (learning) and not of bu (fighting). Very few emperors donned military uniform. I would like to continue this tradition. …The phenomenon of symbol emperors is not a post-war creation. In my view, the emperors have been symbols since antiquity.” (Emperor Akihito) (Shillony (2008) Now in 2010 some thirty years later how much of a symbol to his people has the present Emperor, Akihito become' From the commencement of his reign at the age of fifty-one, Akihito was the oldest monarch to have ascended the Japanese throne since Emperor Konin in the eighth century, and like all new monarchs Akihito received the tenji (the regalia of the sacred sword and the sacred jewels kept at the palace). But, it was not until nearly two years later, witnessed by some two thousand and fifty invited guests, consisting of three hundred foreign dignitaries from one hundred and fifty eight countries that Akihito performed and received the ceremonial rituals of the sokui no rei enthronement ceremony. Ten days later between the hours of darkness on the 22nd November and the dawn of he 23rd November the Shinto daijosai ceremony was also performed, at a cost, paid for by the state of 2.6 billion yen. One may be correct in assuming that the cost of such a vast amount of expenditure by the Japanese Government on the Emperor’s enthronement does portray the Government’s desire to convey the symbolic importance the Emperor has to the people of Japan and the outside world. On the other hand, it may be observed that the wave of remonstrations that sprung up from this is a clear demonstration of the belligerent disdain some Japanese had for their new constitutional monarch. The Christian churches, who had previously in 1928 supported the daijosai of Hirohito fervently contested the decision of the Government to remunerate the ceremony for Akihito, their main area of protest being that the ceremony was unconstitutional as it bestowed divinity onto the Emperor, since this element of the emperor’s entitlement had been disseminated under the 1946 constitution. (Shillony (1998) Under the banner that ‘emperor worship’ would resurface, left wing organisations were also against the ceremony. The Gokoku shirne in Akita was burnt down in the July of 1990 and was soon followed by the burning of Shinto shrines in Nara, Fukuoka, Tochigi and Okinawa a few months later. At the Atsuta Shrine in Nagoya and the Katsura Detached Palace in Kyoto projectiles were fired by left wing radicals on the day of the daijosai ceremony, along with the setting fire to various locations in Kyoto and Nara. (Shillony (1998) The inevitable consequence of violent protest by Left wing extremists was retaliation by right wing extremists, who fired upon the house of a Christian college rector who had signed the declaration against the daijosai. (Shillony (1998) Nevertheless, the daijosai ritual was widely favoured. Even Oe Kenzaburo, the Nobel Prize winner commented on the daijosai saying that it had raised little in opposition from either the Government or the people, and that, “Most Japanese seemed to take it all very much for granted.” (Oe Kenzaburo) (Shillony (1998) For the present Emperor to be a symbol of the Japanese, his proximity to his people and their respect for his institutional responsibilities should be paramount. For his part and unlike his father before, who did not use keigo (Japanese polite language), as he considered ordinary Japanese inferior to himself, Akihito and his wife, the Empress Michiko do use keigo. Not only that, they both talk plainly to guests at royal visits and will even touch guests according. Michiko will often hug children on royal visits. The Emperor even honouring the loss of his bet by giving the resident of an old people’s home a massage when he played janken ( a Japanese hand game) with him. (Shillony (1998) This proximity to his people has made Akihito more liked, but controversially less respected. An N.H.K. public opinion poll highlighted the difference in opinion by showing that, affection for the emperor had risen from 22.1 percent in Hirohito’s last year to 47.1 percent in Akihito’s fourth year (1992), whilst respect for the emperor had fallen to 17.5 percent in 1992, from 27.5 percent in 1988. Respect for the emperor did rise slightly in 1998 to 19.2 percent, but affection declined to 34.5 percent. The constitutional role of the Emperor and Empress to console victims of natural disasters and their widening responsibilities as representatives of foreign heads of state when abroad, along with their common approach to communication with the Japanese themselves did prove popular. With 32.9 percent answering that it was the novelty of the imperial couple’s rush to console victims of natural disasters that earned them their respect. Furthermore, 32.8 percent thought it was their ordinary style of speech, and 29.8 percent of those polled said it was their tours abroad, which sort their respect. Not being a true constitutional monarch with legislative duties, the Emperor’s own personal feelings have very often been suppressed, also causing at times a misrepresentation of his actions. This is mainly due to the fact that the Government controls the actions of the Emperor, as he has no constitutional obligation apart from his ceremonial duties. This relationship can often cause great embarrassment for the Emperor. One such instance was the time when the Governments refused to allow Akihito to personally forward a chapter of condolence to the victims of the 9/11 bombing of the twin towers in New York, which included Japanese casualties as well. In their defence the Government cited the fact that the bombing was not a natural disaster, and as the monarchy has no official political voice, any personal or political views the Emperor may hold cannot be conveyed by the monarchy, should they be misconceived. This was not received very well by the Japanese media or the international press, being misconstrued by the media as a lack of interest on the part of the Emperor. (Shillony (2008) Under the new constitution in 1945, the dissemination of the Shinto religion has created a void, both in the purpose of the monarchy and in its relationship with the Japanese. Shillony points out in his book, ‘The Enigma of the Emperors,’ that the whole essence of the Shinto religion is based upon the preservation of nature and the environment. The rites and rituals now performed by the Emperor may have the air of being archaic and in some way a source of embarrassment for the Japanese, but as Shillony states the idea of combining the preservation of the environment to that of the role of the Emperor had, to a small degree, commenced with his father Emperor Hirohito. A new tradition of scientific research was initiated by Emperor Hirohito, which centred on life science. During his reign he also began the tradition of planting trees and planting rice at the palaces. Emperor Hirohito’s concern for the environment was commemorated after his passing by designating his birthday, 29th April as a national holiday, midori-no hi, (Green Day), dedicating the day to the protection of the environment. A continuation of this environmental preservation is an avenue of relationship where the combining of the religious meaning of the Shinto religion, with that of the symbolic importance the Emperor will attain from being its guardian, would have the consequential effect of elevating the Emperor’s from that of a symbol of the state and the unity of the people, to that of one with international significance. Shillony also points out that in a world endangered by environmental hazards, “A national dedication to combat them would gain the respect of mankind and give Japan a leadership role in an important field.” (Shillony (2005) To view the Emperor of Japan through the legal parameters of its constitution, is to dismiss the relevance the lineage and longevity the monarchy of Japan has had on the history and the culture of the Japanese themselves. This essay has shown that symbolically the Emperor of Japan is a true symbol of Japan when viewed through the cultural, religious and mystical ideologies that are still a part of the modern day Japan. Nevertheless, the new constitution of 1945, whilst laying down the foundations for Japan to advance forward into the modern post war world order; when viewed from a legal point of view, one may be correct to state that the Emperor of Japan is not a true symbol of Japan, as the constitution does not permit the Emperor to be the official head of state in Japan. But what this essay has highlighted is that the new constitution failed to be aware of the symbolic importance the Emperor has to the Japanese way of life, its religion and customs, and the bearing this has had on the Japanese when they look for a sense of continuity in relation to their nation and its place in the modern world order. Bibliography BUTLER, L. 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