Civil Society Iraq on Outgroup Perception--论文代写范文精选

伊拉克反对外资,反对外籍伊拉克人回到伊拉克。不同区域民族之间的研究可以在社交网络上完成一个多元文化的调查。在这项研究中,我们的实验地点是伊拉克南部发生冲突后的环境。

Abstract
A significant research question in the immediate post-war (May 2003) environment of Iraq was: "How do Iraqis’ ethnicity, religious affiliation, and location affect expressed perceptions of threat from outgroups?" We collected 479 surveys of Iraqi opinions, in five locations in Iraq, Jordan, and The Netherlands, with a single page instrument. Religion, ethnic origin, and location alone had little direct bearing on respondents’ attitudes towards outgroups or change (another type of threat) in Iraq. However, certain sets of interacting elements did reflect significant differences in perceptions of threat. For example, Shi’a Muslims of urban Basra had very different expressions towards return of expatriate Iraqis than did Baghdad residents. 

A serendipitous innovation was that of publishing our research process onto a "wiki" web page where visitors could add to or change contents of the documents. The wiki live publishing helped fellow scientists, decision-makers, resource agencies, and Iraq fieldworkers participate in our project. Why Civil Society? The term describes both behavior and social systems and provides a sociological framework from which to explore social interactions in Iraq. Follow-up is warranted. We found, for example, that "moderate Arabs" in Iraq were the most opposed to foreign involvement and were the most opposed to expatriate Iraqis returning to Iraq. This finding is relevant to decision-makers and field workers in relief, development, and reconstruction in Iraq.

Introduction 
Inter-group relations research can be conducted in the laboratory of a university; research can also be done in social networks of a multicultural city. In this study, our laboratory was the immediate post-conflict (2003) environment of southern Iraq, the refugee-filled environs of Amman, Jordan, and the immigrant communities of The Netherlands.

Background: Civil Society research in this post-conflict environment This "Civil Society" hope for good living in peace and security in Iraq comes from the three integrated levels of civility: 
1. Personal norms, morals, and values promoted as "good"; 
2. Associations (organized entities and informal networks) that serve in geographic, financial, political, religious interests of members, and 
3. Overarching authority to secure equality before the law, secure food-shelter-clothing resources, and secure voice in shaping future physical and social ecosystems.2 According to Edwards, the World Bank working definition for civil society is "the arena in which people come together to pursue the interests they hold in common; it includes all organisations and associations between family and state, except firms".3 Kaviraj's historical framework: comments that "Civil society is not a new, post-Hegelian concept. It is a much older term, which entered into English usage via the Latin translation, 'societas civilis', of Aristotle's 'koinonia politike'. In its original sense, it allowed no distinction between 'state' and 'society' or between political and civil society: it simply meant a community, a collection of human beings united within a legitimate political order, and was variously rendered as 'society' or 'community'…It was Hegel who first bifurcated the concept, but in a way whereby state and civil society functioned in his account as redescriptions of one another”. 


Nation building in Iraq provides governance through just political and legal processes, and support for threat-free associations for the common good. This is the first priority for the governing council in Iraq and is the only foundation from which to deal morally with criminal actions while increasing security for non-criminals. In the absence of a strong central government (or non-state trans-religio-ethnic organizations) to guarantee equal protection under the law and equal access to resources, and with uncertainty about the status of the former president (in April 2003), security had to be based, for most people, in social networks--mostly among near kinsmen. Without this strong foundation for the more-distant future, an "implosion" is almost certain to occur. Drake uses this term as follows. "The model for Iraq's disintegration, if it occurs, will likely not be the Soviet Union but rather Lebanon; in contrast to the notion of "breakup," which implies a territorial explosion of an entity into separate states, we refer here to the opposite notion of "breakdown"--a form of civil anarchy resulting from the implosion of society, economy, and polity within the boundaries of a failed state."


Drake goes on to state that although a synthetic overarching superstructure can be enforced, it does not do away with the underlying group characteristics, though they may be hidden from view. Since the groups are not geographically limited, a geographic identity is not present to nurture cooperation and conciliatory behavior.6 Neither is there evidence of many inter-ethnic non-state organizations, other than the General Federation of Iraqi Women, the UNICEF/WHO-promoted Primary Health Care services, and the agricultural research system. However, the lower-level groups and "patron-client" networks are very strong, as they are the social capital resource pools to which group members have first allegience.7 A confessional-pluralist democracy is not yet evident, but neither is an absolute re-tribalization of Iraq. 

 From debt relief to land mine movements, the ideas and energy for the global Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) campaign have come from within civil society." Government agencies see civil society organizations as groups that are not of a government, and international organizations, such as the UN, see civil society organizations as community or trans-community groups within a nation-state or within a geographic region. Within Iraq, there are multiple definitions, each with its own usefulness in defining the future of civilization in Iraq and how our research applies. Perhaps uncivil society is defined best by what it is not, as conflict is defined by what peace is not. If, as Abraham Herschel said, "The opposite of good is not evil, the opposite of good is indifference", then is the opposite of civil society, "apathetic society"? Anti-civility implies 4 consensus of opposition, but apathetic implies….nothing. No hope, no action other than survival, no corporate or personal initiative. We define color in the graphical terms of RGB (spectrums of light), an additive combination of three colors, each with 256 or so levels of intensity, in layers or channels. 

The "color" we see as a social community is also an additive combining of layers or channels of community members. And, the filters of time and distance give us clearer or fuzzier perceptions. And what about the invisible spectrum? I am not sure what all would fit here, but surely elements the members and viewers have of personal and group history, the perceived spirit-world, ambition, and hatred. In this way, "civil society" must include norms and values of a given community at a point in time. That is how "criminal behavior" might be tolerated in some communities more than in others--because the costs of change might not be outweighed by the benefits to a larger community. Time does not wait for social betterment to come, that prosperity may reduce anti-foreigner activity. I use the term "Civil Society" in a multi-purpose sense to include behavior, attitudes, and social systems. This relates also to the concepts in the field of social capital, "the features of the structure of social relations that facilitate action."8 Relevant topics in readings and conversations are found in the bibliography.

Historical Context of Iraq
The main thread of importance--Power against Outgroups The history of Iraq shows considerable periods of constraints on the development of a nondemocratic form of government. --The area known as Iraq was the birthplace of agriculture, domestic animals, the wheel, and writing. It was also home to the mega-power centers of the Akkadian, Assyrian, Chaldean, and Babylonian empires, which introduced and supported state-sponsored violence against minority populations. --The Arab conquest in the 7th century AD magnified power struggles between Mesopotamian and Arab cultures. Ali ibn abi Talib, son-in-law and cousin of the Prophet Mohammed who was murdered in Kufa, Iraq, "appears to have been of a mild and kindly disposition, insufficiently ruthless to dominate so turbulent a community". 9 Loyal followers of Ali killed him because he was insufficiently ruthless? 
--Mongol massacres in the 13th - 14th centuries left the land and peoples destitute of their famous irrigation systems, their literature, and their organized social systems. 
--Turkish occupation--16th century, reconstructed government systems for taxation and rule by decree and power, not law. 
--Britain & France drew the first political boundaries (the Sykes-Picot Agreement) deciding on the distribution of Turkish/Ottoman Empire in 1916, with rule over Arabia, Palestine, and Mesopotamia given to the Saudi Arabians.10 The new king was not considered as representing the best interests of the Iraqi people; his reign was brief. 
--In 1958, pan-Arab Baathists led to Saddam and his near kinsmen as being THE ingroup; everyone else was of the absolute outgroup. There was little capacity to become a socialistic welfare state or democracy, because under the Baath, party no sphere of life was without state control. There were NO civil or private affairs. Approximately four million Iraqis left the country to seek a better life elsewhere. --The 2003 overthrow of the Baathists was not by popular elections, and rule by law is not yet the norm. Our Civil Society Iraq project represents the hope to regain rights and privileges taken away by the state.(paper代写)

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