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The jewish workers' movement in England

2019-02-20 来源: 51due教员组 类别: Essay范文

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- The jewish workers' movement in England,供大家参考学习,这篇论文讨论了英国的犹太工人运动。20世纪初,犹太人在英国的工人运动中开始崭露头角,并具体表现为工人激进组织的出现和工会运动的开展等。犹太工人运动在很大程度上反映了英国犹太族群内部的阶级斗争,并且与同期的非犹太工人运动存在着不可分割的关系。而英国犹太人在积极参与英国大众政治的过程,很大程度上也是东欧犹太移民在维护自身利益和表达政治意愿方面开始英国化的过程。

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At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, jews began to emerge in the British workers' movement, which was embodied in the emergence of workers' militant organizations and the development of trade union movement. The emergence of these conditions is closely related to the influx of about 150,000 eastern European jewish immigrants who settled in Britain between 1881 and 1914. On the one hand, the jewish immigrants from eastern Europe, mainly the poor, brought an army of proletariat to the British jewish community, which was only 60,000 in the past. On the other hand, some immigrant intellectuals brought radical ideas such as socialism and anarchism to the British jewish community and played an important role in organizing the labor movement. In addition, the harsh conditions and treatment in sweatshops and the development of the British workers' movement at the same time stimulated the development of the jewish workers' movement to varying degrees.

Before 1870, there was hardly any real industrial proletariat among British jews. The only industrial laborers were dutch-born cigar and cigarette makers. At the time, British jews were largely ignorant of what socialism was. Moreover, in the early socialist movements in Britain, such as the ervinist movement and the chartist movement, there were no jews involved. In 1857-58, dutch-jewish cigar workers in London went on strike over pay. It was the first strike in the history of the jewish workers' movement in England. However, the new atmosphere of the jewish workers' movement emerged gradually with the expansion of sweatshops after the 1870s. In 1872, the first jewish workers' militant organization was formed. It was a Lithuanian immigrant garment workers' union located in the white church area of east London, initiated by Louis Smith, who moved to Britain not long ago. He received political education in Russia and participated in the 1863 polish uprising and the 1871 Paris uprising. The union had seventy-two members, but it disbanded only a few weeks later. The second jewish workers' militant group was the Hebrew socialist association of London, founded in 1876 by arun lieberman, who had come to Britain a year earlier as a fugitive from Russian politics. But he was an uncompromising idealist, a character trait that did more harm than good to his career. Therefore, this organization is also a flash in the pan, only maintained about half a year time, disintegrated at the end of the year. In 1879, lieberman founded the jewish workers' welfare and education association without any influence. He committed suicide in New York in 1880 after suffering from severe unrequited love. On the whole, Mr Lieberman's socialist actions are widely reviled and unpopular among Britain's jewish community.

The main reason why their fortunes have been so short is that they were born at a bad time. Take the Hebrew socialist association of London as an example, the reasons for its rapid disintegration are various, such as the suppression of British jewish leadership, the economic threat from employers to the members of the association, and the prevalence of conservatism accompanied by the success of Disraeli's Oriental policy. At the time, they were "widely hated in the city," as one of the association's leaders put it. Had Mr Lieberman arrived a decade later, his role and impact would have been very different. Even so, the association, with fewer than 40 members, had made a considerable impact in its relatively short existence by speaking out against the authority of the community, encouraging jews to embrace socialism, and advocating a ten-hour working day. More importantly, it has a very important position and significance in the history of British jewish industry. This was because it was not only the first jewish socialist association in Britain, but also organized the first jewish workers' meeting and published the first jewish socialist magazine, veritas. The garment workers' union, which it started, once had 300 members. All this was a rehearsal for the jewish workers' movement in Britain, especially London, after the 1880s.

After the 1880s, the opportunities for radical ideas to spread through jewish centres increased dramatically. The influx of jewish immigrants from eastern Europe brought the jewish proletariat wherever they went. Living in extreme poverty and working extremely hard make them easy to accept socialism. Meanwhile, east London has been visited by an eloquent socialist propagandist, a former lieberman protegee who goes by the pseudonym Maurice winczewski. To promote socialism, he started two Yiddish newspapers. On July 25, 1884, he and a friend launched the first Yiddish socialist newspaper in London, little polish Jew. Winczewski had hoped it would promote a kind of socialism that did not pander to Zionism, orthodox Judaism and the jewish leadership in Britain. His friend, however, accepted not only religious ads, but also election ads from Samuel montague, who was clearly against socialism. Believing that this was a compromise of bourgeois values and a violation of the purposes of the newspaper, wyncewski started a new company, the friends of the workers, in July 1885, with the aim of "spreading true socialism among jewish workers." The newspaper started as a monthly and became a weekly from December 1886. After founded in quite a long time, it was the most important British Yiddish socialist newspaper, not only remove the existing order, including various forms of religious thoughts, and advocate the activists, the social Democrats, collectivist, communist and anarchist on joint and unity under this goal. In Britain, however, such solidarity is as elusive as the goal of radical socialism. It was defeated in the struggle between socialists and anarchists for the friends of the workers, and the paper fell to the latter in the spring of 1891. Winczewski soon created a rival newspaper, the free world, which continued to agitate for "radical social revolutions". However, the newspaper was not a success and was closed a year later. In 1894, unfulfilled, winczewski followed Smith, lieberman, and many other members of the immigrant elite in seeking his ideals in the United States. The spread of radical ideas among British jews was greatly weakened.

As radical ideas spread, some militant groups were established. In 1884, London jews were the first to form a socialist group, the jewish socialist association. It later created the international workers' education club on Bernard street, commonly known as the Bernard street club. In June 1886, the club took over the friends of the workers and became the gathering place and center of all London immigrant activists. Similar clubs have been established in Manchester, Leeds, Liverpool, hull and Glasgow. These clubs led to the establishment of jewish trade unions and the initial association of jewish workers with British socialists. As a result, jewish social democratic organizations were established one after another all over the country, and in September 1905, the jewish social democratic organization alliance affiliated to the social democratic alliance was established. The establishment of these organizations provided great convenience for jewish immigrant workers to join the mainstream of the British labor movement. At the same time, various jewish trade unions were established. According to statistics, there were thirteen jewish trade unions in London alone in 1896. By 1902, it had grown to 32. In addition, many people joined ready-made non-jewish labor unions or their jewish labor unions. But the Bernard street club made little effort to transform the jewish trade union movement into a socialist movement. Jewish immigrants were too busy and too tired to make ends meet. One by one, jewish socialist leaders from London went to New York, and many of those left behind became zionists. In 1891, the Bernard street club became an anarchist organization. At this point, the non-zionist utopian socialism of British jews came to an end. The prospects of jewish socialism depended only on trade unionism or nationalism. Until 1914, jewish socialism was still fairly tenuous. Jewish socialist organizations have few members. In 1907, for example, there were only 200 socialists out of 130,000 jews in London.

With the spread of radical ideas and the establishment of various organizations, the strike activities of jewish workers emerged one after another. In April 1885, the jewish tailors' trade association in Leeds staged a two-week strike, forcing workers and ranchers to make concessions that reduced the working hour by one hour. In 1888 it called another strike, which was successfully disbanded by the management and with it its own dissolution.

The jewish workers' movement in London had a climax in August 1889, whose basic mark was the strike of ten thousand jewish garment workers in the east end of London. The strikers came from three jewish garment workers' unions: the mechanical operators' union, the ironing workers' union and the mixed association of garment workers. The strike came out of the blue. The tentative strike committee made the following demands to the management: the working day was reduced from eighteen hours to twelve, with meals and refreshments; All meals will be held outside the workplace; Remuneration to official contractors at the rate of union dues; No longer work overtime at home in his spare time. After the strike lasted six weeks, an agreement was reached through arbitration, and the strikers' demands were basically met. In exchange, however, the strikers agreed not to ask for more money for a year. The strike was followed by a similar strike by jewish workers in Manchester. Before long, however, the strikers were again at a disadvantage in the industrial struggle, and both victories were quickly lost.

It is worth noting that the jewish workers' movement to a large extent reflects the class struggle within the British jewish community, or the contradiction between the British native jewish elite and the jewish immigrants from eastern Europe. This is because, on the one hand, mostly immigrant jewish workers are almost always employed by mostly native jewish jewish workers and ranchers, and the jewish workers' movement naturally tends to take a stand against jewish workers and ranchers and even the leadership of the jewish community. On the other hand, in order to protect their vital interests, as well as to establish and maintain the good image of jews as citizens, jewish workers and leaders of ethnic groups always try their best to suppress the spread of radical ideas, the establishment of radical organizations and the development of strike movements.

As early as 1876, for example, Leeds established the jewish tailors guild, whose members were mostly employed by jewish employers. Due to fierce competition, the law of the factory has not been taken seriously here, nor has it been noticed by the members. But with the influx of immigrants, trade associations began to fight, until a strike movement. In London, with the establishment of a garment workers' union in the summer of 1883 and a targeted jewish employers' union the following year, the jewish chronicle urged the jewish guardianship council to pre-empt the signs of class struggle within the jewish community of London and to promote the establishment of non-socialist trade unions. As a result, in the 1980s and 1990s, mutual-aid groups that catered to the needs of permanent workers and could not act as weapons of collective bargaining sprang up. By 1901, there were no fewer than 176 mutual-aid societies in London alone, and 270 nationwide. Because of this, some argue that what really hurts the jewish workers' movement is the discord between jewish workers and jewish leaders. The greatest enemy of the jewish workers' movement was not the English workers, but the leaders of the jewish community.

It is also worth noting that there is an inseparable relationship between the jewish workers' movement and the contemporary non-jewish workers' movement. It is true that there is considerable tension between jewish and non-jewish workers, who are largely recent immigrants from eastern Europe and are widely seen as contenders for jobs. However, the development of trade union movement, especially the initiation of trade strikes often need their unity and cooperation. As a result, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, although jewish and non-jewish workers were not exactly united, their cooperation in various forms of labor movement was on the increase.

Because of the difficulties often encountered in mobilizing and organizing jewish workers, the British trade unionists took it for granted that the jews were less enthusiastic and less successful trade unionists because of their emphasis on individualism and poor discipline. In fact, if jewish workers were less enthusiastic about trade unionism than others, it was not because they were mainly employed in sweatshops. Because the smallness and decentralization of sweatshops objectively limits their larger organizational efforts. Moreover, many facts show that jewish workers are not only able to organize in a variety of ways, but are also able to collaborate well with non-jewish workers, so long as practical needs exist. For example, in Leeds, where the jewish workers' movement has the strongest foundation, jewish trade unions have not only developed a lot since the establishment of the jewish garment workers' association in 1876, but also developed hand in hand with non-jewish trade unions and gradually integrated into the local higher level trade unions. Although the ctu did not support the 1885 strike, non-jewish socialists were already interested in the jewish proletariat in Leeds. Since then, some important members of the trade union have given a lot of support to Leeds' work.

As in the case of Leeds, the jewish workers' organisation in Manchester has a good working relationship with the local non-jewish workers' organisation. In 1889, for example, they established a local jewish division of labor called the national union of cigarette workers and tobacco cutters. In contrast, there was not much collaboration between the jewish and non-jewish Labour movements in London. But this may only show that the situation in London is more complicated. And, in fact, even in London, there have been quite successful collaborations between jewish and non-jewish workers. For example, during the universal strike of 1889 by jewish garment workers, non-jewish dockers, west London garment workers, social democratic league and socialist union gave strong support to the strike. Not to mention, the non-jewish workers in London, especially the garment workers, not only showed great enthusiasm in organizing and absorbing jewish workers, but also gained a lot. Even boot-makers with a strong bias against immigrants succeeded in bringing their jewish counterparts into their organization in 1904. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, therefore, co-operation between jews and non-jews in the Labour movement was not only commonplace in London and elsewhere, but was, so to speak, widespread.

The above shows that in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, British jews not only actively participated in British popular politics, but also became a force that could not be ignored. Behind the appearance that jews were gradually active in the British public political arena was the process that many east European jewish immigrants were gradually recognized and accepted by British workers who were never welcomed by them and gradually learned to defend their rights and interests with the help and application of British trade union organizations and labor movements. Therefore, it can be said that the process of British jews' active participation in British mass politics is to a large extent the process of eastern European jewish immigrants' anglicization in terms of safeguarding their own interests and expressing political will.

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