代写范文

留学资讯

写作技巧

论文代写专题

服务承诺

资金托管
原创保证
实力保障
24小时客服
使命必达

51Due提供Essay,Paper,Report,Assignment等学科作业的代写与辅导,同时涵盖Personal Statement,转学申请等留学文书代写。

51Due将让你达成学业目标
51Due将让你达成学业目标
51Due将让你达成学业目标
51Due将让你达成学业目标

私人订制你的未来职场 世界名企,高端行业岗位等 在新的起点上实现更高水平的发展

积累工作经验
多元化文化交流
专业实操技能
建立人际资源圈

The civil society

2019-08-12 来源: 51Due教员组 类别: 更多范文

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的assignment代写范文- The civil society,供大家参考学习,这篇论文讨论了公民社会。经过30多年的改革开放,中国的公民社会正在发展壮大。毛泽东时代,国家权力渗透到社会生活的方方面面,社会领域实际上是由国家权力控制和支配的。用这种特殊的模式,中国在相对较短的时间内建成了一个强大的国家。在这一政治基础上,实现了民族团结、经济工业化和社会一体化。然而,毛泽东时代的社会政治模式也带来了一系列的问题。经过六七十年代一系列的政治运动和政治斗争,揭示了这种国家垄断治理模式的灾难性。政治动荡导致经济混乱和社会混乱,导致政权合法性危机。

After more than 30 years of reform and opening up, a relatively independent civil society is developing and growing in China. In the Mao Zedong era, state power infiltrated deep into all areas of social life, and the social sphere was actually controlled and dominated by state power. With this special model, China has built a strong nation in a relatively short period of time. On this political basis, it has achieved national unity, economic industrialization and social integration. However, the social political model of the Mao Zedong era also brought a series of problems. After a series of political campaigns and political struggles in the 60s and 70s, the disastrous nature of this state monopoly governance model was revealed. Political turmoil has led to economic chaos and social disorder, which has led to the legitimacy crisis of the regime. Because all areas of society were swallowed up and dominated by state power, the vitality of society could not be effectively stimulated. After the economic reform, the incompatibility between neoliberalism and state monopoly is increasing, leading to social conflicts that requiring further political reform to stabilize the nation. The civil society, composed mainly by the middle class, and manifested mainly in the form of non-government social organizations, is going to be a main source of political change in China’s future.

The lack of effective constraint over power has become the major source of social conflict in China. The monopoly of the vertical power system of resource allocation is the political and institutional cause of corruption. The middle class can become an important force in maintaining social order. Because they have certain social resources, cultural capital and professional skills. They are also the main force of the consumer market. However, once the middle class uses these energies to go to the negative side, even individuals can cause great harm to society. From the perspective of history and reality, the middle class is a critical force of retrenching social mobility while maintaining social order . The social behavior of the middle class is sometimes a double-edged sword. If there is no sound system and the rule of law environment, without proper guidance, support and cultivation, their social behavior will also make the social order more chaotic.

The comprehensiveness and profoundness of China's current social transformation characteristics have inevitably brought about dramatic changes in social structure and re-adjustment of social interest relations, leading to people's new lifestyle, value orientation, interests, and diversity of behavior patterns. The independence, selectivity, variability and diversity of people’s thinking patterns are significantly enhanced. With this social change, the original social conflicts have also undergone fundamental changes, and various new social conflicts have become prominent. For all social strata to be stable and coordinated, it is necessary to establish a mechanism for the integration of interests of different classes, and a mechanism for resolving conflicts. The biggest social problem at the moment is how to shape and refine the middle class. Social conflicts in China is summarized into the following four categories, and the middle class plays an important role in all of them.

The polarization between the rich and poor is the first major social conflict in China. The current Gini coefficient of the gap between the rich and the poor in China has reached exceeded 0.49 in 2008, above the internationally recognized social problem warning line of 0.40. In comparison, most developed countries in the world have Gini coefficients of between 0.24 and 0.36 . As a result, social tension in China has accumulated to an alarming level. One of the consequences of social polarization is that it becomes increasingly difficult for the middle class to expand. The contradiction between the rich and the poor not only arouses social enmity, but also causes the disintegration of the middle class. The conflict between the state and the people is another major conflict in China’s society. The prominent problems include corruption, the reform of state-owned enterprises, bureaucratic style, judicial injustice, official privilege, etc.  Without proper resolution, these problems have a trend of further intensification.

The contradiction between the state and social organizations is also emerging with the rising number of non-government organizations in China. At present, there are millions of social groups in the country, 80% of which are unable to pass the threshold set by the organization registration management regulations, and are in an illegal state of existence. A typical case is the disaster relief NGOs during the Wenchuan Earthquake in 2008. Despite the significant contributions of NGOs during the disaster, many were subjected to a crisis of survival and state coercion without relevant regulatory departments within the political system. Cultural conflicts are the most profound and deep-rooted conflict in China. Some examples include the contradiction between elite and popular cultures, traditional and modern cultures, foreign and local cultures, etc. The middle class play a leading role in these conflicts. The developmental mentality of the middle class is not matured enough, and the sense of belonging and identity of the middle-class is lacking. Therefore, leading and integrating various social trends has become an arduous task for the CCP.

If the middle class does not assume the due social responsibilities, it cannot coordinate and cooperate with other social classes to maintain the structural elements of social order. Social conflicts will inevitably increase. Accompanying the major social conflicts in China, there is a lack of civic spirit and social responsibility among the public. Due to the dependence of the middle class on political power and on the redistribution system, the lack of group awareness and the lack of channels and capabilities to participate in public affairs, the Chinese society is unable to assume the responsibility of social governance. The legal society cannot be separated from the support of the civic cultural spirit and the internal driving of its function. When the middle class lacks the civic spirit, and social construction will become unsustainable. Without the active political participation of the middle class, the unbalanced development of the state and society will lead to social disorder and loss of discipline. Special interest groups that are not subject to monitoring and control will become more powerful. Therefore, social participation by the middle class in China is the key to maintain social stability and resolving major social conflicts.

In a market economy, without the intermediary role of social organizations, it will inevitably lead to tensions between the state and society. Therefore, a major solution to the current social conflicts in China and the lack of civic culture is to actively develop social groups and organizations to play their mediating role in society. Modern society should be an organized society. In this regard, the Chinese government must reduce the restrictions on social organizations. The emergence of social organizations is part of the social self-protection mechanism, which is conducive to the cooperation between civil society and the state, and helps to avoid the radicalization tendency and irrational situation of interest expression. The middle class that lacks organizational resources is not only completely powerless, but also a potential source of social crisis. Vertical democratic construction should be a development path in which the upper and lower ends move towards the middle ground, and this middle ground should be non-government social organizations.

In order to establish healthy, sustainable social organizations, the government must change its concept from passive supervision and control into active support. Therefore, as a systemic hub of vertical democracy is created gradually. Social organizations can become a bond, facilitating two-way communication between the public and the state. From the top down, social organizations convey the policy measures of the ruling party and the government. For the bottom up, they express the rightful appeal of the grassroots. By relieving part of the burden from the government through cooperation, social organizations are not only conducive to solving social problems, preventing instabilities, but also conducive to China’s transformation towards a more democratic political system . Meanwhile, a social value system that is steered by one dominant ideology (the CCP), and also substantiated with the coexistence of multiple values can be established. The integration of political power with the public can no longer use singular administrative control. On the one hand, the government should formulate policies to accommodate and promote cultural pluralistic development. On the other hand, it should use institutional arrangements to ease and resolve conflicts, to lead and nurture the middle class and the civic spirit, and to promote the middle class a positive support for a harmonious society.

Through social organizations, the state gradually realizes the transformation of governance in response to various social pressures. China's governance can achieve the following transformations through social organizations. First, the country has updated its understanding of the social interest pattern, and a series of new interests generated by the reforms are entering the national political agenda. In a long period of time, the state is still using the pattern of interests in the planned economy era to understand the interests of the reform era. Some emerging interests and groups are not being recognized for quite some time, such as the interests of urban migrant workers. With the rise of Chinese civil society and social organizations, which are continuously transmitted into the political arena, the state will gradually realize the existence of various interests and consider them in the political agenda and policy formulation process.

Secondly, the pressure brought by the rise of Chinese civil society will also change the behavioral characteristics of state governance to a considerable extent, making the state pay more and more attention to social negotiation and cooperation, instead of single-sided regulation. The emergence of a relatively autonomous society means that when the state promotes its will, it needs to resort to more means of negotiation and respect the various interests of society before implementation. To this end, the state has changed the traditional way of relying on orders or moral teachings to gain social obedience, and gradually explore and develop new methods based on negotiation to achieve governance goals. The rise of Chinese civil society also puts forward higher requirements for the transparency of state behavior. In this transition, the new media and the internet are playing major facilitating and empowering roles. Although state censorship is still a prominent feature of China’s internet, more and more cases of social conflicts and injustices have been better resolved through media.

Finally, the rise of Chinese civil society will force the state to pay more attention to the public services of the society, thus realizing the transformation of the focus of governance. For a long time, the central task of state governance has been to promote economic development. For this reason, public service-oriented governance activities have been overlooked. After the reform and opening up, the public service system under the original planned economic system gradually collapsed with the market-oriented reform, but the construction of the new public service and welfare system is still struggling . In the process of promoting marketization, the lack of a comprehensive public service system has led to more and more social dissatisfaction and accumulated a lot of social pressure. The rise of autonomous civil society and social organizations constitute the driving force behind the reconstruction of China's public service system.

In conclusion, this essay has explored the development of civil society, non-government social organizations, and the critical role of China’s middle class in the reform. With the deepening of China's reforms, the pattern of social interests will become more complicated, and the challenges faced by China's national governance will also increase greatly. How to effectively deal with and resolve a series of problems in this process will be a difficult problem that must be solved in the future development of China. The healthy development and maturity of the middle class in China should be a sign of vertical democratic maturity and the key to the sustainable development of China's political society. In this process, non-government social organizations are believed to be the major source of political and social reform in China’s future.

Bibliography

Cai, Yongshun. “Social Conflicts and Modes of Action in China.” The China Journal 59, (2008): 111.

Gåsemyr, Hans Jørgen. "Navigation, Circumvention and Brokerage: The Tricks of the Trade of Developing NGOs in China." The China Quarterly 229, (2017): 86.

Peng, Lin and Wu, Fengshi. “Building Up Alliances and Breaking Down the State Monopoly: The Rise of Non-Governmental Disaster Relief in China.” The China Quarterly, pp. 1–23.

Su, Zhenhua, Junjie Le, Yongjing Zhang, and Jun Ma. "Is the Poor Quality of Chinese Civic Awareness Preventing Democracy in China? A Case Study of Zeguo Township." Asian Perspective 36, no. 1 (2012): 43.

Tsang, Eileen Yuk-ha and Pak K. Lee. "The Chinese New Middle Class and Green NGOs in South China: Vanguards of Guanxi -Seeking, Laggards in Promoting Social Causes?" China: An International Journal 11, no. 2 (2013): 155.

Tsang, Eileen Yuk-ha. "The Quest for Higher Education by the Chinese Middle Class: Retrenching Social Mobility?" 66, no. 6 (2013): 653.

Yaowu, Yang and Yang Chengyu. "China's Gini Coefficient: Myths and Realities." China Economist 10, no. 6 (2015): 78.

Zhu, Ying, Peter Y. Chen, and Wei Zhao. "Injured Workers in China: Injustice, Conflict and Social Unrest." International Labour Review 153, no. 4 (2014): 635.

51due留学教育原创版权郑重声明:原创assignment代写范文源自编辑创作,未经官方许可,网站谢绝转载。对于侵权行为,未经同意的情况下,51Due有权追究法律责任。主要业务有assignment代写、essay代写、paper代写服务。

51due为留学生提供最好的assignment代写服务,亲们可以进入主页了解和获取更多assignment代写范文 提供北美作业代写服务,详情可以咨询我们的客服QQ:800020041。

上一篇:American Social Institution 下一篇:Mobile video game