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American lobbying politics

2019-03-14 来源: 51due教员组 类别: 更多范文

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的assignment代写范文- American lobbying politics,供大家参考学习,这篇论文讨论了美国的游说政治。走廊这一政治游说地点,成了独具美国特色的游说政治的代名词。在过去的20多年中,随着游说活动专业化、职业化、信息化程度的不断提高,游说行业从过去的灰色地带,成为了不容或缺的高级政府公关门类。然而,随着游说活动在政府决策和立法过程中的作用越来越彰显,其负面影响和各种政治丑闻也越来越多。

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Those who are familiar with the operation of American politics can probably tell us something about the structure and operation mode of the rotation of the two parties, separation of powers and presidential election. But when it comes to the ins and outs of lobbying politics in America, most people probably don't know either. If the American political system is compared to a car, then the various government departments are undoubtedly the engine, wheels, transmission shaft, clutch and other important parts of the car. Money and public opinion, or more figuratively, wealth and popularity, are the gasoline and lubricants that keep and promote the efficient operation of vehicles. The ubiquitous lobbies, power brokers and government communications agents are the gears and running-ins that connect the executive departments and keep the oil flowing.

In English, the word lobbying was originally a noun, literally meaning "aisle" or "corridor." It started during the American civil war. Because there is growing interest groups around the states come to Washington, dc, specially waiting in the parliament or government offices in the corridor, attempts by brief sojourn with legislators or government officials to curry, influence decision making, thus the political lobbying "corridor", has become synonymous with unique characteristics of the United States "lobby politics". At that time, the founding fathers of the United States painstakingly chose the capital of the United States in a swamp far away from the economic and financial center in order to avoid the erosion and influence of money on power. More than 200 years later, not only has Washington, d.c., changed, but the lobbyists who stood in the corridors and waited have come into their own and wielded the power to make sweeping decisions.

In the heart of Washington, just a few blocks from the White House and Capitol hill, lies the famous K street. Along the east-west highway, thousands of public relations firms, lobbyists and advocacy groups are clustered. Although the nameplates and titles are different, through the half-hidden door and sun-shading shutters, it seems that groups of professional lobbyists and public relations experts can be seen, or talk eloquently or thread the thread of thread, building an invisible line of power extension. According to the latest statistics, there are now as many as 35,000 professional "lobbyists" and "power brokers" officially registered with the federal government in Washington. There are also more than 2,500 full-time lobbying firms, not to mention thousands of other clients. In operating income ranked the first parton ? burgess company as an example, its lobbying income of about $40 million in 2008, more than 300 fixed customers, both like wal-mart, SONY, multinationals such as oracle software, there are like Richmond town, the children's cancer foundation, even as the university of Oklahoma, university of Wisconsin, non-profit or charity. Cassidy's pr firm, which came in at number two, is well known. In 1996, it was through the direct mediation of cassidy company that former Taiwan leader lee teng-hui made his first visit to the us, which dropped a heavy bomb on sino-us relations at that time. Since 1998, cassidy's total lobbying revenue has been a staggering $300 million.

As the saying goes, money by people, people eliminate evil. How do lobbyists get clients out of trouble? In the map of American political operation, the executive, legislative and judicial powers are separated, and they seem to do their respective duties without interfering with each other. But the essence of electoral politics is the periodic power struggle and interest reorganization among various interest groups. The comparison of strength here consists of two aspects: one is financial strength, the other is manpower. Both the presidential candidates and their affiliated parties, both members of the house and senate and members of the state governments, need large amounts of money to support the "money-burning" contests that are held every few years and cost a lot of money. In the same way, without a certain scale of voter groups to support, follow and support, even the grand and sacred ideal of governance is just a mirage, without any support. The lobbyists' political leverage was immediately apparent. Through a variety of fundraising events, lobbyists have brought the "god of wealth" and the powerful "rent-seeker" to the same table, each with his own niche. In addition, because they represent a wide variety of interest groups, professional lobbyists are charged with advancing client interests and interests in the legislative and executive branches. In order to achieve this goal, lobbyists use various excuses to organize hearings, press conferences and seminars, and use public opinions as leverage to influence the policy implementation process of lawmakers' legislative and executive departments. In the past 20 years, with the continuous improvement of the specialization, professionalization and informatization of lobbying activities, the lobbying industry has also emerged from the obscure and vague gray area in the past to become a high-profile and indispensable high-level government public relations. During his eight years in office, in particular, Mr Bush's consistent policy stance towards big business and big business, coupled with his cabinet's strong background in business, provided a powerful platform for lobbyists. During the Clinton administration. The total lobbying cost in the United States in 2000 was approximately $1.56 billion. By 2008, that figure had rocketed to $3.3 billion a year. The recession that began in mid-2008 hit nearly every industry and sector in the country. But the lobbying industry has remained largely unaffected. In march, as soon as the federal government's economic stimulus plan was passed, the Treasury Department and appropriations committees in both houses of congress were mobbed. All kinds of lobbyists want to get a piece of this huge pie of hundreds of billions of dollars.

As lobbying becomes more prominent in government decision-making and legislation, its negative effects and various political scandals increase. The first, of course, is the power-for-money deal. If you break it down by industry, the top two lobbying industries in the United States over the last decade have been finance, insurance, real estate, and health care and pharmaceuticals, each spending more than $300 million a year on average. The focus of their lobbying has been on federal tax breaks, deregulation or repeal of regulations, increased federal grants, subsidies, and so on. And these two industries. It is the original cause of this round of economic crisis in the United States. Excessively lax financial and insurance regulations directly contributed to the bubble expansion of the real estate industry and housing credit. Moreover, the expensive and unreasonable medical insurance system makes the general commercial enterprises in the United States overwhelmed, leaving the low-income groups with no money to see a doctor. One of Mr Obama's key campaign slogans in 2008 was to strip the influence of lobbyists from Washington's policymaking process.

If the "power-for-money" example above is anything to go by, Stephen pine's price-tag touting of private meetings between American dignitaries is downright immoral. Mr Pine was a staffer for a us senator; In 2008, in addition to serving on the homeland security advisory board, he was the boss of a private lobbying firm. In July 2008 a reporter for The Times, posing as an agent for an exiled Asian politician, asked Mr Pine's lobbying firm: how much would it cost to meet an American incumbent? Pine replied, "I don't know the exact cost right now, but it should be somewhere between $600,000 and $750,000. As for who might come forward, Mr Cheney may, but the national security adviser is perfectly fine; So can secretary of state Dr. Rice; These senior officials can entertain your clients and make positive comments. It was a tone that played on the heads of state of the United States.

Another stubborn problem in American lobbying politics is the so-called revolving door. The use of illegal means such as bribes and bribes seems inevitable for rootless lobbyists to break through the various government levers. But for retired politicians, this is a whole lot easier. With every change of government, especially after elections that involve partisan rotation, former officials who have just left the gates of congress and the department of defense often turn around and enter the "private" gates of the various lobbying agencies on "K street." Under a different title, the former assistant secretary of homeland security became the senior director of security and defense lobbying at cassidy communications. The former ranking member of the senate foreign relations committee is now the public relations agent for a foreign agency. Naturally, there is a tacit understanding that one partner needs relationships and Bridges, while the other provides connections and influence. This use of the lobby as a "cash machine for power" is now common and commonplace in Washington politics. Between 1998 and 2005, 85 of the 198 members of the U.S. house of representatives who left their jobs became professional lobbyists, according to a study by citizens analysis, a nongovernmental research organization. As for the more powerful senate, 18 of 36 retired senators have become professional lobbyists. Like the former chairman of the house appropriations committee, and the former chairman of the republican national committee, both registered their lobbying companies immediately after leaving office and turned to their former colleagues or subordinates for lobbying work. Of course, this "continue to play the surplus heat" is also to price according to quality; A former political aide with some experience as a lobbyist can earn between $200, 000 and $300, 000 a year. For a heavyweight party leader or cabinet minister, the annual salary can be as high as $20 to $3 million.

In order to control the negative influence of lobbying organizations on political decisions, the United States congress has passed a series of related bills. But as far as the effect is concerned, it's always more bark than bite. For example, the "lobbying reform law" promulgated in 1995 specifically stipulates the professional identity and scope of activities of "lobbyists", and expressly prohibits the involvement of monetary interests and other factors in political decisions. Lobbyists are not allowed to bribe government officials with lavish banquets, lavish gifts or special holiday packages. The "lobbying disclosure act" and the "foreign agent registration act", which were later passed, clearly stipulated various restrictions and regulations on foreign organizations' lobbying activities in the United States. However, there are policies at the top and countermeasures at the bottom. Moreover, those who make policy are often the executors of future countermeasures. On November 26, 2007, the nation's most senior republican senator, former majority leader trent raute, abruptly announced that he would step down from his senate seat before the end of the year. In a public press conference, raute's face is full of frustration with the unremunerative ambition, and frequently said that "his resignation is completely out of frustration with the current political parties in the senate fight. I need to make time for something else." What to do? One bright spot: the senate just passed a code of conduct that requires all retired senators to wait more than two years before taking lobbying jobs. However, this - the stated effective date is 31 December 2007. That is, rather than miss the last train of professional lobbyists, Mr Rourt would have resigned two years earlier. The powerful attraction and appeal of American "lobbyist politics" can be seen from this one spot.

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