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The influence of the lending activities of the Kings of medieval England

2019-01-29 来源: 51due教员组 类别: 更多范文

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的assignment代写范文- The influence of the lending activities of the Kings of medieval England,供大家参考学习,这篇论文讨论了中世纪英国国王借贷活动的影响。无论是犹太人、教会、意大利银行还是国内商人的借款,都为英国国王缓解财政压力起了很大的作用,进一步支持了统治者的各项耗资巨大的政治计划。从职业放贷人那里进行频繁借贷是一种非常昂贵的办法,长此以往,虽然额外的税收弥补了欠款,但是也可能成为政治上薄弱的一个根源。由于大多数中世纪统治者所能调配的财政资源都相当微薄,和富足的现代政府相比,利用信贷要承担更大的风险,贷款活动的扩大化就其中之一。

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Loans from jews, churches, Italian Banks, and domestic merchants helped ease the financial pressure on the king and further supported the costly political plans of the rulers. During the first 22 years of Edward I's reign, ricciardi bank, as an important creditor, provided huge loans for him, which provided an important guarantee for his successful conquest of Ireland. In the early years of the hundred years' war, the Banks of bardi and perugia provided Edward III with large loans for the establishment of political and military alliances between the holy Roman empire and the cities of the low countries on the European continent. By the late 13th century, Britain's rulers were fairly efficient, but their finances were still weak. The archaic tax system still haunts monarchs, with no permanent increase in their regular income and no way to cope with rising government spending and palace consumption. Frequent taxation was becoming a certainty, but for medieval governments, taxing their citizens was one of the hardest things to do. In the late 13th century, taxes were still considered a special matter, requiring the approval of parliament, which became a weakness of the rulers. Lending provided a good way for the rulers to get out of trouble. Frequent lending to important capitalists helped some important vassals get through the difficult period of financial reform. Especially in wartime, the collection of war tax not only needs the approval of congress, but also needs a lot of time to operate, which is not conducive to the grasp of fighter jets. Moreover, in the hope that future taxes will fully repay the loans, borrowing is easily the rulers' first choice. Moreover, the maintenance of diplomatic relations with other rulers, and the payment of grants to foreign Allies or agencies, required money from the foreign state, which could not be met by royal income or taxes, and could only be quickly financed by loans. As the economy grew, so did the spending of British princes, who increasingly wanted officials in charge of collecting or contracting ordinary taxes to borrow money from the government if necessary to allow them to overdraw their future income. Around the 13th century, the more important western rulers began to take credit for granted. Where rulers can confidently borrow against considerable incomes, borrowing is a source of continuing strength. Behind most of the achievements of the middle ages was the efficient and clever use of credit.

Frequent borrowing from professional lenders is an expensive option, and in the long run, while additional taxes make up for the debt, they can also be a source of political weakness. In the eyes of some western European rulers, their advantages undoubtedly offset their heavy costs and other disadvantages, but they also resulted in the loss of vested interests. Some princes in many cases have no choice, especially rulers whose ambitions are not commensurate with their income, trying to live a lifestyle beyond their means through credit. Tariffs are second to none among the vested interests of the rulers. Rulers often contract out their tax revenues to kill two birds with one stone, both as a way of avoiding the waste of tax collectors through lack of training or selfishness, and as a way of bribing dignitaries and officials. Wealthy and influential financiers, once chosen by the king, were given customs contracting powers as a lure to encourage them to lend heavily to the government over the long term. The special profits the contractors received became part of the price the rulers paid for their loans. Any transaction carries some risk, and so does borrowing against tariffs. The danger is that, once the contract period is extended, the ruler may sacrifice a large part of his growing income. On the other hand, government revenues may have been wiped out years ago by loans to contractors. A prince's most valuable source of income may thus be out of his control. Therefore, the extensive tax contracting could not solve the tax management problem of the king in the final sense. It would also lead to loopholes in the tax management of the king and possibly lead to serious financial weakness. Bishops and monasteries were less interested in tax contracting than professional financiers, but their interest in acquiring more land was so strong that it led them to lend again and again. Pawn property is often used as collateral, especially land, and the proceeds are used not to write off the debt but to increase the lender's returns. Lenders therefore want to hold on to the mortgaged property longer. When a borrower is unable to pay what he owes, the lender can buy the mortgaged property very cheaply. By convention, the value of a pawn property is less than the value of the land actually sold.

Because most medieval rulers deployed relatively few financial resources, the expansion of lending was one of the greater risks of using credit than the abundance of modern governments. The notion that the debts of medieval rulers were often viewed as the personal ACTS of princes exaggerated the notion of sovereignty as purely personal. In effect, the rulers have taken on their predecessors' debts over and over again. Most medieval princes easily fell into serious debt. For example, shortly after the death of king Louis ix of France, his son and successor, Philip iii, wrote from north Africa ordering the government in Paris to pay the debts owed to him and his father. In king Edward III's will, he also drew a clear distinction between his debts and those owed for the needs of the kingdom and the war, and expected his successors to repay the latter, "because by the law of god and their own conscience they must do so." In the relationship between the financial capitalist and the prince, there is often a complete continuity from one dynasty to the next, as in other routine matters. Although the myopia of some monarchs mentioned above exists, the concept of debt repayment by the father and the son still dominates the borrowing behavior of medieval Kings, which is highly binding. In addition, the amount of money borrowed by the monarchs was often so large that it was difficult to repay them all at once and they had to borrow money from other places to make up for it. This led to the expansion of the borrowing of the Kings.

The king's borrowing from Italian Banks stimulated the desire for wealth of domestic merchants, who formed a series of "syndicates" to provide loans to the king and became the main royal banker in exchange for relevant business privileges. These changes laid a foundation for the capital accumulation in the UK and also promoted the expansion of domestic monopoly capital. On the face of it, a big British capitalist class comes out of nowhere. With the exception of a few businessmen, such as William bull and Henry picard, the other syndicate members and supporters were not very rich. Britain's syndicate first attracted capital from a broad circle of British businessmen. From 1343 to 1351, all the firms established their headquarters in London, but in fact, merchants from other parts of the world also formed groups of merchants to pay attention to this plan. William Boer was one of several powerful merchants, an advocate of the scheme, and the most important member of the northern merchant community. He made his fortune by supplying British troops fighting Scotland and trading wool in Yorkshire and lincolnshire. Londoners walter cheriton and Thomas swanland formed the last syndicate, often employing a significant group of northern wool exporters headed by yorkist John goldburt in order to send money to bruges. Syndicates do not have the large raw capital that Italian Banks typically have when they do royal credit services. They usually relied on raising money as collateral to make loans from domestic merchants or from abroad, and then lending the money to the king of England. The syndicate also borrowed money from Italian and hanseatic merchants operating in Britain; in many cases, he also raised money in the large money market in bruges. So British firms draw capital from almost all the main sources of capital available in north-west Europe. The company, led by walter chillyton, had borrowed at least fifty-three thousand pounds in two and a half years as a loan to the king. The king awarded the syndicate all the revenue from the duties, and they had to guarantee a fixed loan of 50,000 a year to the king. A monopoly on the export of wool was also a commercial privilege that the syndicate fought for with loans. For the most part, in 1347-49, the king banned the export of wool at the request of walter chillyton and his associates, so that they could buy it cheaper in England and sell it abroad at a higher price.

The king borrowed money from domestic merchants to promote the development of the "centralized place" system of English wool trade. It was an important means by which the king of England obtained customs revenue and loans by controlling the wool export trade. In 1313, Edward ii established the first concentration site in st. omar in the lowland countries, so Edward ii was called the "father of concentration" in England. Later due to the impact of the war and domestic political economy, the concentration of constantly changing locations. By 1363, Calais had established a permanent wool export center, and 26 merchants formed a centralized merchant company to contract the wool export tariff. In the 15th century, London merchants formed the Calais merchants company, the most influential group in English wool export. In 1407, they provided the king with a loan of 8,000 pounds for the first time and covered the expenses of the British army guarding Calais, about 17,000 pounds per year. After the 1530s, centralized merchant companies began to regularly lend money to the king, and in 1454 and 1456 they borrowed a total of 43,000 pounds. In 1466, the United Kingdom issued the "Calais garrison act". According to this act, the merchant companies in the centralized areas were responsible for all the military expenses of the Calais garrison. At the same time, they were paid the tariff of British wool exported through Calais, which was 15,000 pounds per year. The company gradually returned to being the king's principal borrower, lending him 32,800 in 1464. With a few modifications, the law remained in force until Calais was finally reclaimed by France in 1558.

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