Resilience in the sociology and social demography literatures--论文代写范文

第一个是一个探索积极生活事件和教育成就;第二个包括青少年的风险评估;第三个包括工作概念化的问题。下面的paper代写范文进行论述。

Introduction
  Exploring resilience among those at-risk is relatively new in sociology research, although studies documenting achievement outcomes and the factors contributing to those outcomes have been a part of the sociology literature for many years. As we observed in the developmental literature, however, current progress towards exploring resilience among at-risk youth is uneven. For example, most of the research on risk and resilient behavior in sociology focuses on adolescence and the period of transition to adulthood. Relatively fewer studies explore resilience among younger children (for exceptions see Spencer, 1989, and Dubow and Luster. 1990). Studies also tend to focus on problem behaviors rather than positive adaptations, and, with the exception of ethnographic work (See Middeton. 1993 for a review of selected ethnographies) and studies of educational achievement (Ogbu, 1978; Sue and Okazaki. 1990), resilience across ethnic groups or gender has received little attention. On the other hand, studies that do explore resilient behavior, appear to cluster in three specific domains. The first domain is a general exploration of positive life events and educational achievement; the second domain includes studies that specifically assess adaptation among youth at risk; and the third domain includes work on conceptualizations and theoretical models of resilience.

 Studies on Positive Life Events and Academic Success 
  The status attainment literature is a prime example of a body of work that focuses on the factors and processes contributing to positive life events in adulthood. However, this research. although conducted for nearly three decades, is rarely explicitly couched in terms of risk or resilience. This work generally examines interconnections among family background variables (i.e.. occupation and education of family head, number of siblings, family stability, race), school achievement, employment history, and socioeconomic stability (Blau and Duncan, 1967; Sewell and Shah, 1967; Alexander and Eck land, 1974; Marini, 1978; Portes and Wilson, 1976). For example. Blau and Duncan (1967) developed models to explain the educational and occupational attainment of adult males. They were specifically interested in family of origin and individual characteristics of the young men in their sample. 

  They noted that social origins exerted considerable influence on occupational success of young males, but that the young man's own educational and early occupational experiences exerted a stronger influence on occupational success. Blau and Duncan's early model has been used and revised by many. and has evolved to include social psychological factors, such as educational aspirations and the influence of significant others (Sewell and Shah, 1967), fertility and marital status for educational achievement among young women (Alexander and Eck land, 1974; Marini, 1978; Hofferth and Moore. 1979; Moore, Myers. Morrison. et al, 1993) and self-esteem for explorations of educational attainment among black men (Portes and Wilson, 1976). More recently, assessments of structural inequality and behavioral choices have been added to the basic status attainment model (Burke and Hoelter, 1988). 

  The traditional status attainment approach to understanding productive life events provides descriptive information on how selected background characteristics, individual characteristics, psychosocial factors, and early life events affect later adult life, but it provides minimal insight into the processes underlying observed social relations. That is, researchers tend not to investigate the strategies families use, for example, to translate parental education (via involvement, increased resources, values for education) into achievement among their children. Moreover, research in this area has not, in general, focused on individuals from disadvantaged populations (with the exception of Portes and Wilson, 1976). Rather it has tried to understand social mobility in representative samples including all levels of the occupational strata.

  Also falling into this first cluster of studies, is more recent work on factors contributing to educational achievement. In this literature, researchers continue to explore background variables, family, and individual characteristics contributing to academic success. However, more attention is given to ethnic differences and opportunity structures and their associations with educational progress, in particular the incongruence between family and peer support for educational success and attitudes toward education (Ogbu, 1978; Clark, 1983; Fordham and Ogbu, 1986; Steinberg, Dornbusch, and Brown, 1992; Brown, Steinberg, Mounts and Philipp, 1990; Sue and Okazaki, 1990; Mickelson, 1990). For example, Clark (1983) notes the diversity in the quality of family life among poor black families, and that these differences are reflected in children's school achievement. In fact, 

  Clark argues that structural characteristics of families predict or explain little of the wide variation in academic achievement among children. He contends that the most important factors contributing to achievement are embedded within family culture, or the context of family life. In particular. he finds that high-achieving black children, whether from one-parent or two-parent families, come from home environments where there is frequent school contact initiated by parent(s), the child receives stimulation and support from school teachers, and parent(s) expect the child to have an active and major role in his/her own schooling. Thus, according to Clark, when researchers note racial or social background differences between families, these are actually markers of group differences in the social organization of families, for example, in particular communication processes, rituals, and resulting cognitive and behavioral patterns. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) propose a more macro-level approach focusing on a culturalecological influences on schooling. 

  Expanding upon previous work conducted by Ogbu (1980, 1982) these authors suggest that black students' academic efforts are hampered by both external factors (limited opportunity structure) and within-group factors (limited peer support). This leads specifically to the burden of "acting white". That is to say, that blacks, in part because of whites' failure to acknowledge intellectual capabilities of blacks, and blacks' own subsequent self doubts about their intellectual ability, have come to define academic success as a perogative of whites. Academic striving is therefore seen as an emulation of whites, i.e., "acting white". Black students who are academically successful in the face of these factors tend to adopt specific adaptational strategies to not draw attention to themselves as academic achievers. (paper代写)

  Fordham and Ogbu report that successful black students often do not work to their full potential, fulfill the role of "class clown" or maintain a low profile socially. Mickelson (1990) builds upon Fordham and Ogbu's work by exploring the incongruence between attitudes toward education and under-achievement. Specifically, Mickelson contendsthat attitudes toward education are multidimensional, and that black youth hold abstract as well as concrete attitudes towards education. Abstract attitudes are the dominant American ideology that views education as the road to social mobility. Concrete attitudes are class and race specific; they are grounded in the differential realities that people experience (i.e., acting white hypothesis of education). Concrete attitudes can be identical or distinct from the dominant belief system.(paper代写)

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