Research on Taiwan's national defense policy--essay代写范文

essay代写范文:“Research on Taiwan's national defense policy”，这篇论文主要描述的是台湾海峡是目前世界上最容易引发战争的导火索之一，台湾的归属更是中国内部的亟需解决的问题，是共产主义与资本主义融合的具体体现，对于中国而言双方合则两利，分则两弊，双方都无法忽视两岸经济和政治等相关性的问题。

The Taiwan Strait is the locus of one of the world's most risky flashpoints. Two entities share the name of “China”: one, the People's Republic of China (PRC) the most heavily populated country in the world, is a enormous and exclusive fusion of Communist ideology and capitalist enthusiasm, while the other, the Republic of China (ROC) or Taiwan is a tiny island republic of great wealth and vague international status. And across the narrow barrier of the Taiwan Strait, these two powers gaze at each other. For the leadership in Beijing, Taiwan is a rebellious region whose crucial destiny must be political and economic merger with the mainland. In Taipei, for the meantime, the Taiwan government neither races toward gathering nor totally forswears it but embraces instead an anxious status quo.

Both sides manage a slight consideration act, juggling compromise and conflict, motivated to move on their particular positions in the face of their common distrust. Neither side seems concerned to remedy to arms to resolution the question of Taiwan's status once and for all, but both are aware that such conflict could come to exceed. Indeed, Beijing has a disturbing affinity to throw its might on those occasions when Taiwan behaves in ways the Communist leadership find finds offensive.

With such scenario, Taiwan faces a number of overwhelming security challenges in the political, economic, diplomatic, and military realms.While Taiwan experiences escalating international isolation and diminishing diplomatic power, China continues to emphasize better influence in the Asia-Pacific region and around the world. Taiwan thus finds it more and more complicated to reach consequential involvement in international organizations and defend its agenda abroad, as traditional friends and allies of Taiwan are reluctant to clearly rage China. Arms sales to Taiwan, especially by its closest ally the United States (U.S), are progressively more sensitive issue, although the legal obligation of the U.S under the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act.

The Taiwanese Ministry of National Defence (MND) must contented with many extreme security and military challenges. Although the latest cross-Strait political environment has improved, PRC has consistently refuse to surrender the use of force against Taiwan while changing the cross-Strait military stability in its favour. At the same time, the lack of a mutual defence treaty with the U.S signify that Taiwan cannot readily believe that the U.S or other actors would come to its defence if an enemy attacks the island. Taiwanese defence planners must consequently preserve the capability to launch an independent defence. They must also prepare for the potential contingency of forming or fusion an informal alliance during a wartime situation. Even if the U.S certain to come to Taiwan's aid in the event of a conflict, not only are American military assets and assets increasingly tense, but many analysts also disagree that U.S power projection capabilities are fading as compared to the Chinese military as China's anti-access dissent capabilities have grown.

The avoidance of a potential war and the creation of a secure and stable environment in the area of the Taiwan Strait are the main objectives of Taiwanese national defence policy. A key factor of fulfilling this objective is the maintenance of a rather large military establishment. In a proportion to its population, Taiwan still maintains a large military establishment, regardless the fact that Taiwan's armed forces were reduced as part of a reform initiative from 1997 to 2001, going from about 450,000 to 385,000, with further reductions since then bringing the total force level down to just under 300,000.

Taiwan Constitution defines the nation's defence objective as the safeguarding of national security and the preservation of world peace. Accordingly, the size, strategies and objectives of Taiwan's military forces are specifically designed to prevent conflict.Taiwan's current defence policy is to build a rock-solid military to prevent war, defend the homeland, respond to contingencies, avoid conflict and maintain regional stability. The paramount goal is to ensure a resolute defence and effective deterrence. Given a history of military crises with mainland China, Taiwan has made the maintenance of a cross-strait military balance a priority. To achieve this, the nation has been strengthening its defence forces and enhancing its counter-attack capability. In addition, Taiwan has called for regional security cooperation and the establishment of confidence-building measures with PRC to preserve peace.

China's strategy toward Taiwan is in the main political, not military. China relies on the military threat as part of a broader political strategy. It has signalled its willingness for the two sides to move forward in cooperative moves on concrete areas of policy without Taiwan's total surrender on the issue of its status. China is also moving more toward treating Taiwan as an equal, at least in negotiating terms if not in formal legal terms This position is reflected in China China's formulation that the “mainland and Taiwan are parts of one China”, a phrase intended to step back from China's earlier position that Taiwan is a province of China.

问题陈述-1.2PROBLEM STATEMENT

Over the past six decades, the two societies on either side of the Taiwan Strait and relations between them have undergone momentous transformation. In 1949, under the onslaught of Chinese Communist Party-led rebels, the ROC government led by the Kuomintang relocated to the island province of Taiwan to advance the ideals on which the Republic was founded. Since then, the two separately governed territories have developed in different directions politically and economically: The ROC has become a thriving democracy with an advanced free-market system, while mainland China, though gradually adopting free-market mechanisms, remains authoritarian.

Due to such situation, ever since the Korean War in the early 1950s, the U.S military assistance has been oneof the most important elements which prevented Taiwan from being swallowed by PRC's diplomatic strangulation and military intimidation.The continued U.S arms sales to Taiwan after its diplomatic recognition of the PRC became even more important as it provides a unique official linkage between U.S and Taiwan. However, Taiwan has never been assured that it would be able to acquire desired weapons system from the U.S. The sense of insecurity has made Taiwan in a constant state of uncertainty in its military procurement policy. Furthermore, political constraints in U.S arms sales to Taiwan have made it almost impossible for Taiwan's military leaders to conduct long-term defence policy and planning.

Some observers have argued that the PRC's unsuccessful war against the Vietnam in 1979 ringed the first wake up call for the PRC's massive defence modernisation efforts. In the same year, U.S's de-recognition of the ROC also evoked in Taiwan an urgent desire to maintain a strong and self-reliant defence capability after the termination of the U.S-ROC Mutual Defence Treaty. Since then, Taiwan has devoted most of its resources in modernising defence capability with the focus on acquisition of advanced weapons systems to replace the country's inadequate and obsolete military hardware.

Politically, despite the recent easing of cross-strait tensions, PRC has still not renounced the use of force against Taiwan, and remains the major military threat to the ROC. Mainland China's military expansion in recent decades, propelled by double-digit annual growth in military expenditures, which many believed greatly exceeds its defence needs, has given rise to widespread misgivings about its intention in Taiwan and around the world. Much of mainland China's military build-up and many of its military exercises are designed with a war against Taiwan in mind. The most tangible evidence of this is the deployment along the mainland's southeast coast of over 1,300 missiles aimed at the island. The PRC has implemented a three-pronged virtual warfare strategy that aims to demoralise the ROC military, to intimidate and sow dissent among the Taiwanese people and to feign a legal basis for a war against Taiwan.

While relations between Taiwan and the PRC have improved over the past year, tensions remain, and unresolved issues regarding Taiwan's sovereignty and status continue to divide the two sides. The status of Taiwan creates a potentially dangerous situation that risks armed conflict if the relationship and its inherent tensions are not managed carefully by both sides. An armed conflict between PRC and Taiwan would impair security environment in the region and beyond. Thus, this research will attempt prove that despite the improved relations between the two countries, Taiwan's defence policy would still emphasises on the need to modernise its military, and, that mainland China would not budge with its one-China policy and Taiwan's military modernisation. The research will also attempt to prove that despite having a significant role in influencing Taiwan's defence policy, the U.S. have other interests to reduce the Taiwan Strait tensions.

目的-1.3OBJECTIVE

The increasingly serious situation between the PRC and Taiwan has emerged for several closely inter-related reasons. Since at least the mid 1990s, the PRC has sought to deter what it perceives as Taiwan's search for independenceby (i) engaging in military displays designed in part to intimidate the Taiwan population, and (ii) generally increasing the credibility of the Chinese threat of force through the acquisition of potent weapons systems able to support a variety of armed actions against Taiwan. The PRC also attempted to pressure the U.S to reduce its military assistance to Taiwan, allegedly to reduce Taiwan's willingness to seek independence and to induce it to enter into reunification talks with the PRC.

These PRC actions have prompted Taiwan to request that the U.S provide larger amount of more advanced and potent weaponry and related support systems to Taiwan, to maintain Taiwan's ability to counter growing PRC military pressure and thereby remain free from political coercion, and to deter a PRC attack. Hence, such development has raised several basic but vital questions. Among others, can Taiwan self-defend with such defence policy? Will the U.S and other allies come to Taiwan's aid when the need arises? Will the two China allow widespread armed conflict? These are some of the questions that will be addressed through the following objectives:

1.3.1 To examine and analyse the background of the cross-strait crisis.

1.3.2 To examine the rationale for Taiwan to have such defence policy with regard to the acquisition of advanced and potent weaponry.

1.3.3 To analyse the efforts to bring peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

研究的重要性-1.4SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

This research adds extensive information to the research paradigm of the Taiwan insecurity vis-a-vis the security environment in Northeast Asia, particularly in the Taiwan Strait. It may serve to provide information for other researchers who may then utilize it for further research studies. This research is relevant as a contribution to the national and regional security issues in particular and strategic studies in general. The findings could be also be used as references that will provide useful data for the formulation of strategies to ensure peace and stability among countries and safeguard the sea-lane of communications (SLOCs) in the Taiwan Strait and beyond.

Quite a significant number of literatures by various scholars are available on the Taiwan Strait, the One-China policy and its relevant issues. For the purpose of this review, the literatures used are derived from various scholarly works and will be organized according to the research questions. This will include a review of relevant works touching on, among others, the background and influencing factors for Taiwan defence policy, issues and challenges arise from said policy, and efforts to reduce cross-strait tensions and the U.S factor in that region.

This research will be in the context of Taiwan in the post Cold War but can be still be argued to be engulfed in a Cold War security environment. It will explore the behaviour of states, in this instance, Taiwan, in preserving its national interest based on the concept of security by Barry Buzan which focus on three multilevel of analysis, that is, the individual, states and international system. These in turn will be based on the perspective of related issues and its significance to Taiwan's defence policy and political-economic-security implications it affects the region and international community.

According to Robert Karniol (1998),the termination of the U.S-ROC Mutual Defence Treaty in 1979 has evoked in Taiwan an urgent desire to maintain a strong and self-reliant defence capability. Since then Taiwan has devoted most of its resources in modernising defence capability by replacing its inadequate and obsolete military hardware with advanced weaponry. With the procurement of advanced fighter jets, major surface combatants and main battle tanks, all three services have experienced major upgrade to the “second generation” systems.

In the Taiwan's MND Quadrennial Defense Review 2009, a defence white paper issued every four years, highlighted two main themes: prevention and transformation. The overall modernisation of the nation's defence is a necessity to prevent military conflict in the Taiwan Strait, as it will raise the threshold and the cost for Chinese aggression. This will complicate China's operational plans and can therefore deter potential intentions to use force. The document further states that transformation of the armed forces and the national defence strategy is necessary to enable the military to deal with the changing nature of modern warfare, advanced weapons systems, demographic change, an ageing society, and limited financial resources.

Richard A. Bitzinger (1997) remarked that China's ability to increase its military pressure against Taiwan has grown significantly in the recent years because of sustained high Chinese economic growth rate (as of 2010, PRC has overtaken Japan as the world's second largest economic power), which have resulted in budgets large enough to allow selective modernisation of elements of PRC's People's Liberation Army (PLA). Much of the PLA modernisation has been focused on coping with Taiwan, either matching capabilities acquired by Taiwan or developing systems specifically for potential use against Taiwan - such as short-range ballistic missiles with conventional warheads.

While Richard Bush (2002) touches on the U.S's Taiwan's Relations Act (TRA) 1979 which states that the U.S will provide necessary defence articles and services to Taiwan for its sufficient self-defence, and will consider with “grave concern” any non-peaceful means to determine Taiwan's future. He also remarked that there is a debate whether the wording on U.S military intentions was clear or ambiguous. This is especially so whether the wording entails the U.S to commit its military in preventing conflict or provocations in the region, the U.S military might to defend Taiwan and the U.S stance on Taiwan's sovereignty.

This research will be different from other researches in its approach in attempt to prove that despite improved relations between China and Taiwan, Taiwan's defence policy will still emphasises on upgrading and modernisation of its military, and China will still stand on its one China policy.

研究的局限性-1.5LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

There are a number of limitations while undertaking this research. Time constraint was the major limitation that limits the researcher from doing in depth study for the topic. Nevertheless, the researcher considers these limitations as a challenge that stimulates the spirit and train the researcher to acquire the skill of time management and research writing.

The unavailability of literature from the perspective of effectiveness of Taiwan defence policy vis-a-vis the response or perceptions from mainlandChina and neighbouring countries was another limitation of the research. Most of the literatures were focused on the contents of the treaty and the relevancy to its signing. Lastly, the researcher relied heavily on secondary data, which is considered to be the most reliable source.

方式和来源-1.6METHOD AND SOURCES

This research is based on qualitative and descriptive analysis which allows the researcher to describe the issues and challenges that Taiwan is facing, related issues and its impact in the Taiwan Strait, and the role of the U.S in such political and security environments. Facts are collected through secondary data that will be used as the basis of analysis. The data will be sought from academic journals, magazines and newspapers, the access of which are from online and published materials. These publishers and media both electronics and printed provide competent and reliable information since they release a substantial numbers of academic writings on the research subject.

Additionally, full use of several libraries will be made, namely, the Malaysian Armed Forces Staff College Library, the Ministry of Defence Library and University of Malaya Library. All the available data collected are based on the past and contemporary issues on the Taiwan Strait crisis, factors influencing Taiwan defence policy, perspectives on the One-China policy, the U.S factor and its issues and challenges in the region. The use of these particular libraries and websites is based on the consideration that it provides sufficient materials which are accessible, reliable, essential and current to complete this research.

章节概要-1.7CHAPTER OUTLINE

This research is comprised of five chapters. Chapter 1 is an organizational part which outlines the basic information of this research, including the objectives of this research, the significance of the study, the methodology used and how the data is collected. Importantly, this chapter highlights the problem statement and research questions that will be answered by analyzing Taiwan defence policy vis-a-vis cross-strait standoff and its related issues and challenges.

Chapter 2: will examine and analyse the background of the cross-strait crisis.

Chapter 3: will examine the focus and rationale of Taiwan defence policy.

Chapter 4: will analyse the efforts to bring peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

Chapter 5: The last chapter that provides the conclusion to the findings of Chapters Two, Three, and Four. The focus will be on whether lasting peace and stability will be a reality in the Taiwan Strait and whether the PRC will accept Taiwan as a separate entity and a sovereign state.

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