Definition and characteristics of Repression--论文代写范文精选

然而,虽然PBT关于压抑的概念在某种程度上符合弗洛伊德的原始想法,它肯定是不符合精神分析学说,把压抑看作是无意识地有目的的遗忘。此外,PBT也反对这个概念,人们忘记创伤经历,被压抑的记忆是永久地存储在一个神秘的大脑空间。下面的essay代写范文进行详述。

Introductiom
Like Freud, who viewed repression as the cornerstone on which the whole structure of psychoanalysis rests (Freud 1924/1959, p. 16), PBT considers this concept to be the key to understanding neurotic disorders. However, based on experimental studies in this area (e.g., Holmes 1974; 1990), which found that repression is merely a conscious distraction, PBT defines this concept as a coping mechanism by which threatening materials are consciously prevented access to attention by actively implementing distracting maneuvers.

Erdelyi and Goldberg (1979) noted, in their attempt to defend Freuds theory in light of Holmes experimental findings, that Freud himself viewed the essence of repression as distraction. These authors claimed that the unconscious nature of repression was simply not a critical theme in Freuds treatment of the topic (Erdelyi & Goldberg 1979, p. 365) and that, at least sometimes, repression was portrayed as a conscious, deliberate act. However, while PBT concept of repression is to some extent consistent with Freuds original idea, it is certainly inconsistent with psychoanalytic doctrine, which viewed repression as an unconsciously purposeful forgetting (Fenichel 1946, p. 148). Moreover, PBT also rejects the notion that people forget rather than remember traumatic experiences and that repressed memories are permanently stored in a mysterious inaccessible store (e.g., Wachtel 1977, pp. 28-29) as both these of concepts are contradicted by available empirical data (e.g., Pope et al. 1999; Rofé 2000, Chapter 1).

     PBT further modifies the traditional concept of repression by differentiating between normal and pathological repression, based on the means by which distraction is attained. Numerous studies show that repression is normal, and may even enhance the individuals ability to adjust, when the individual distorts reality by employing socially accepted means of distraction (see review by Rofé 2000, pp. 20-23). Repression becomes pathological when socially accepted distractive means become ineffective and the individual consciously employs bizarre behaviors in order to eliminate stress-related thoughts from attention. The distractive effects of these behaviors are so powerful that they can effectively compete with the devastating thoughts that control patients attention. Thus, a fundamental difference between PBT and psychoanalysis is that repression is the consequence rather than the cause of behavioral deviation.

Nevertheless, despite the deliberate adoption of the bizarre behavior, neurotic patients are unaware of their conscious repressive endeavors. However, while psychoanalysis attributes this state of unawareness to an autonomous unconscious entity, PBT restricts the state of unawareness solely to pathological repression, attributing this condition to sophisticated self-deceptive processes.

Emotional function of repression
Research data show that patients who display bizarre behaviors suffer from depression and that anti-depressants are effective therapeutic interventions (see Rofé 2000,pp. 105, 249-252). Thus, it seems that just like normal repression, which is employed as a coping means against emotional distress (e.g., Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1993; Rofé 2000, pp. 20-22), pathological repression, caused by the adoption of bizarre behaviors, is utilized when emotional distress is beyond patients normal coping resources. Moreover, usually the underlying motivational factor of neuroses is depression rather than anxiety, as originally suggested by psychoanalytic and behavioral investigators (e.g., Eysenck 1976; Freud 1926/1964). Accordingly, patients are willing to abandon their symptoms when depression is alleviated by more adaptive means, such as anti-depressants. Bizarre behaviors only alleviate, but do not entirely eliminate depression, both because the symptom does not completely seal attention from stress-related thoughts and since the behavior itself constitutes a significant source of stress.

Typically, stressful life events precede the development of bizarre behaviors (see Rofé 2000 for case studies, pp. 107-115; and review pp. 120-121). However this factor is not sufficient to produce the necessary emotional distress required to motivate the adoption of a bizarre behavior. As noted by Barlow (1988), a common finding across all disorders studied is that even acute stress, usually defined as a negative life event, correlates only modestly with psychopathology (p. 218). Therefore, other factors, such as genetic predisposition to depression and anxiety, social support, personality characteristics, traumatic childhood experiences and the individuals coping resources must be taken into account (see review by Rofé 2000, pp. 122-124).

In some cases bizarre behaviors are adopted in response to unacceptable impulses (see Rofé 2000, pp. 129-139), which may be a direct consequence of stressful life events, such as marital conflict (e.g., Neale et al., 1982, pp. 1-16; McAndrew 1989) or an independent stressor (e.g., unacceptable sexual demands; see Sherman 1938, pp. 226-227). In these cases, the motivating emotional factor directly affecting the choice of a neurotic symptom is anxiety, rather than depression.

Choice of symptom
Research and clinical evidence shows that neurotic symptoms are unequally distributed between the sexes and among different age and socio-cultural groups and that the prevalence of these disorders varies over the years (see Rofé 2000, pp. 28-30; 87; 163-164; 166-167). This variability poses a difficulty to traditional mechanistic theories, but may be resolved if choice of symptoms is viewed as a conscious and rational process. Indeed, relevant evidence suggests that like economic decisions, choice of symptom is affected by the individuals unique needs (in neurosis distraction and controllability; see below), availability of suitable merchandise and cost-benefit analysis.

However, rationality must be evaluated not in absolute terms, but rather in accordance with the boundaries of information available to the individual and psychosocial and environmental constraints. As noted by Monzingo (1977) since intelligence, information and foresight are limited, an individual may make a choice which appears to be rational  only to discover later that he was mistaken. Given these limitations, the limitations of an imperfect world, the outcome does not alter the fact that the choice when made was rational (p. 264).

Controllability
Both animals and humans are motivated to gain control over their stressors, as a lack of control has a detrimental cognitive, emotional, and physical impact on the subject (see a review by Rofé 2000, p. 125). This is consistent with evidence indicating that a specific neurotic symptom is likely to be adopted if, in addition to inducing repression it can also reduce the noxious impact of the stress or enables the manipulation of the stressor or the social environment to comply with the patients needs. For example, conversion symptoms increase patients ability to escape military stress (e.g., Ironside & Batchelor 1945; Mucha & Reinhardt 1970) or marital conflict (e.g., Brady & Lind 1961). Similarly, dissociative fugue, agoraphobia and OCD may distance patients from the stressor and thereby reduce its noxious emotional impact (e.g., see Rofé 2000, cases 1-3, pp. 107-114). Likewise, the symptom may increase the dispensation of social rewards (e.g., Blanchard & Hersen 1976, Brady & Lind 1961). For example, Rachman and Hodgson (1980) noted that as the incapacitation of OCD patients intensifies, the demands made on spouse, parents and children increase. Not only are they required to take over many of the patients functions domestic, personal, financial and social they have to devote increasing time and effort to the protection and comforting of the affected person (p. 62). This theoretical account is consistent with the family system theory of eating disorders, claiming that the sick rule provides an alternative focus of attention, thereby holding the family members together (e.g., Minuchin et al., 1975).

When stress is an unacceptable impulse, such as an intolerable hostile drive, patients will seek symptoms that reduce the likelihood of losing control. Usually this need motivates the adoption of OCD, where patients exercise control over the impulse through the strategy of reaction formation (e.g., Fenichel 1946, p. 151). Patients intentionally display obsessive thoughts and compulsive rituals that are antithetic to the impulse and can therefore reduce the threat of losing control. For example, Neale et al. (1982) described a woman who harbored strong hostility towards her children following severe marital conflict and disciplinary problems. Consequently, she developed obsessive concerns regarding the safety of her children and bizarre ritualistic behaviors that she believed would prevent disastrous outcomes to her children. This response strategy reduced the likelihood of impulsive behaviors since instead of injuring the children, she spent a good deal of her time every day performing irrational responses aimed at protecting them (p. 12).

Another coping strategy that patients frequently employ when faced with unacceptable impulses is obsessive ruminations. Patients intentionally produce extremely unacceptable repetitive thoughts that lack appropriate emotions. In psychoanalysis, these thoughts were seen as a genuine expression of a threatening impulse where the emotional component was unconsciously isolated (repressed) from its cognitive basis (e.g., Fenichel 1946, p. 146). In contrast, according to PBT patients choose obsessive thoughts rather than other neurotic disorders especially because they provide effective control over the unacceptable impulse. Unacceptable emotionally charged thoughts are deliberately replaced with bizarre obsessive thoughts that lack emotional basis. 

As a result, they are less likely to motivate dangerous impulsive behavior. In addition, the obsessive thoughts intensify self-awareness of being potentially dangerous, which motivates patients to take appropriate preventative measures to reduce the likelihood of potential harm (e.g., removing dangerous objects, such as knives, from home). Furthermore, the publicity of these thoughts, which is typical of obsessive ruminations, reduces fear of losing control as it motivates others to supervise the patients behavior (see case study in Rofé 2000, pp. 133-134). The obsessive thoughts are isolated from an appropriate emotional basis and appear foreign to the self both because they are artificial, rather than genuine spontaneous experiences, and since patients are unaware of their self-involvement due to self-deceptive processes. Thus, like repression and reaction formation, PBT accounts for the psychoanalytic defense mechanism of isolation in conscious, rational terms.

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